tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-39090964164977798542024-03-09T22:40:49.502-08:00Algeria Gate, EnEnglish EditionUnknownnoreply@blogger.comBlogger27125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-25211623332000658962023-12-18T18:47:00.000-08:002023-12-19T07:18:52.459-08:00British Diplomatic Officials Accredited in Algeria from the 16th to the mid 19th Centuries<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-UlVctUzUA3q2ZXTm6tYSs1tQXWqv6ItCPOGrVJ2kVV6wLUngzRyp96c_MwfcDapW2bcwbWr_DfOZ_lJshr08ikNhfTaObUUWv7wdqcMY5qtIopfbA33AQtbl3XAtRY2Oq9A9TmIR9mSTxrROdZG3Lyvh6B4S_bUqgbiLFDL3_XytZJgZ8yxhNhyphenhyphenHzG-D/s600/british_officials_in_algeria_600x375.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="British Diplomatic Officials Accredited in Algeria from the 16th to the mid 19th Centuries" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-UlVctUzUA3q2ZXTm6tYSs1tQXWqv6ItCPOGrVJ2kVV6wLUngzRyp96c_MwfcDapW2bcwbWr_DfOZ_lJshr08ikNhfTaObUUWv7wdqcMY5qtIopfbA33AQtbl3XAtRY2Oq9A9TmIR9mSTxrROdZG3Lyvh6B4S_bUqgbiLFDL3_XytZJgZ8yxhNhyphenhyphenHzG-D/s16000/british_officials_in_algeria_600x375.jpg" title="British Diplomatic Officials Accredited in Algeria from the 16th to the mid 19th Centuries" /></a></div><br /><p></p><p><br /></p><h2 style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">ALGIERS</span></b></h2><p><b>John Tipton</b>, Consul, 1580, still in post 1591.</p><p>. . .</p><p><b>Richard Allen</b>, Consul, 1606-1620.</p><p><b>Richard Forde</b>, Consul, 1620.</p><p><b>Nicholas Leate (Leatt)</b>, Acting Consul, 1623.</p><p><b>James Frizell, Consul</b>, 1623-43.</p><p><b>Edmond Casson</b>, “Agent for Parliament”, 16 Aug 1645.</p><p><b>Humphry Oneby</b>, Consul until 1653.</p><p><b>Edmond Casson</b>, Acting Consul, 1653-1654.</p><p><b>Robert Browne</b>, Consul, 1655-1663. </p><p><b>Capt. Nicholas Parker</b>, Acting Consul, 1664-1667.</p><p><b>John Ward</b>, Consul, 1667-1674. </p><p><b>Samuel Martin</b>, Consul General, 1674 till circa 1680.</p><p><b>Philip Rycaut</b>, appointed Agent & Consul General, 1683, was at Algiers from 27 Jul 1683 to 24 Oct 1684.</p><p><b>John Erlisman</b>, Agent & Consul General, 1684-1690.</p><p><b>Robert Cole</b>, Acting Consul, 1690-1696. </p><p><b>Thomas Baker</b>, Agent & Consul General , 1690-1694.</p><p><b>Robert Cole</b>, Agent & Consul General, 10 Aug 1694 till his death on 13 Nov 1712.</p><p><b>Thomas Thomson</b>, Acting Consul , 1712-1713.</p><p><b>Samuel Thomson</b>, Consul, arrived 29 Jun 1713; absent fr. 25 Feb 1716.</p><p><b>Thomas Thomson</b>, Acting Consul during his brother Samuel’s absence (above).</p><p><b>Charles Hudson</b>, appointed Consul , 9 Sep 1719, appointed Consul General on 8 Jan 1720; Agent & Consul General, 1723. Merchant; in Algiers since circa 1710; his health failed in 1728; permitted to leave consulate in charge of his business partner Edward Holden. Died 14 May 1729 Montpellier, France.</p><p><b>Charles Black</b>, Consul General, 1729-1739, recalled after many complaints of his incompetence, he left Algiers Feb 1739.</p><p><b>George Logie</b>, Consul for Sweden, forced Charles Black (above) out of office.</p><p><b>Edward Holden</b>, Agent & Consul General, 10 Feb 1739, had been Acting Consul in 1720, described as “deputy Consul at Algier” in 1729, died 25 Nov 1739.</p><p><b>John Ford</b>, Acting Consul, 1739.</p><p><b>Ambrose Stanyford</b>, appointed Agent & Consul General, 1739, took up office 30 Jan 1741, died 1752 in Algiers.</p><p><b>Robert White</b>, Acting Consul, 1752.</p><p><b>Stanhope Aspinwall</b>, appointed Agent & Consul General, 8 Aug 1752, arrived at Algiers 29 Jul 1754, re-appointed Consul General, 1 May 1761. </p><p><b>Simon Peter Cruize</b>, Acting Consul, business partner of Robert White (above).</p><p><b>John Ford</b>, appointed Agent & Consul General, Aug 1761 but died before taking up post, had been Acting Consul 1739 (above).</p><p><b>James Bruce</b>, Consul General, 1762-1765, resigned 16 Jun 1765.</p><p><b>Richard Ball</b>, surgeon to the British factory at Algiers, surrendered to the marshal of the King’s Bench Prison, Southwark, as an insolvent debtor, 5 Feb 1765. </p><p><b>Robert Kirke</b>, Consul General, 17 Jun 1765, ordered back to London 1766, Consul, 1767. </p><p><b>James Sampson</b>, Consul General, 10 May 1767. </p><p><b>Archibald Campbell Fraser</b>, Agent & Consul General, 1767-1775. </p><p><b>Edward Bayntun</b>, appointed Agent & Consul General, 28 Sep 1776, died 1 Nov 1777 in Algiers.</p><p><b>John Woulfe</b>, Vice-consul 1776, Acting Consul 1777-1780, had come with Bayntun (above) from Tripoli and was appointed Vice-consul by him, after Bayntun’s death, he acted until arrival of Davison.</p><p><b>Nathaniel Davison</b>, appointed Agent & Consul General, 22 Jan 1778, withdrew Feb 1783.</p><p><b>John Woulfe</b>, Acting Consul, 1784, took over responsiblity for affairs after Davison left, confirmed as acting Consul General by the ambassador Sir Roger Curtis..</p><p><b>Charles Logie</b>, appointed Agent & Consul General, 19 May 1785, removed 1791, previously Swedish Consul at Algiers.</p><p><b>Charles Mace</b>, appointed Acting Consul , 1 Jun 1792, expelled, later reinstated as Consul, arrived at Algiers Jan 1794.</p><p><b>Richard Masters</b>, appointed Consul General, arrived at Algiers 27 Nov 1797.</p><p><b>John Falcon</b>, appointed Agent & Consul General 13 Aug 1799.</p><p><b>Richard Cartwright</b>, Agent & Consul General, arrived at Algiers 3 Jan 1805, left 22 Feb 1806.</p><p><b>Henry Stanyford Blanckley</b>, Agent & Consul General, 1806-1812, initially only Pro-consul, his father was friend of Admiral Horatio Nelson.</p><p><b>Hugh Henry McDonnell</b>, Agent & Consul General, 1824, arrived at Algiers 1 Apr 1812 as Pro-consul, appointed Consul General 1811, retired 1820.</p><p><b>William Danford</b>, Pro-consul 1824-1827.</p><p><b>Morris Thomas,</b> appointed Consul General, 29 Jan 1825.</p><p><b>Robert William St John</b>, appointed Agent & Consul General, Aug 1827, Consul General, 1837.</p><p><b>J. Fraser</b>, Vice-consul, 1826-1833. </p><p><b>Nathaniel Welsford</b>, Vice-consul, 1827-1833.</p><p><b>Alexander Tulin</b>, appointed Vice-consul, Jun 1826, born in 1795 Tunis, died 1848 Algiers; </p><p><b>Charles Tulin</b>, acting Vice-consul, 23 Dec 1848 to 24 Jan 1849, appointed Vice-consul 24 Jan 1849, acted as Agent & Consul General in Algeria Jun-Aug 1850 and as Consul from 1 Jan to 4 Mar 1851, appointed Vice-consul for province of Oran 28 Jan 1851 (see below).</p><p><b>Thomas John Elmore</b>, appointed Vice-consul, unpaid 13 Jul 1854, appointed Vice-consul 1 Apr 1856, appointed Consul for Georgia, USA, 1874.</p><p><br /></p><h2 style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-size: medium;">BONA (present day Annaba)</span></h2><p><b>John Francis Llambias</b>, acting Vice-consul, 31 Jan 1822 till Sep 1827, and 12 Jul 1830 till 28 Dec 1853, appointed Vice-consul ,12 Jan 1854, still in post 1865. </p><p><br /></p><h2 style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">Bougie (present day Beja</span></b><span style="font-size: medium;">ï</span><b><span style="font-size: medium;">a)</span></b></h2><p><b>Morris Branzele</b>, Vice-consul unpaid 1848.</p><p><br /></p><h2 style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">ORAN</span></b></h2><p><b>John Bell</b>, appointed Vice-consul, Mar 1837, Consul at Algiers 15 Jan 1851, Consul General for Algeria 22 Jul 1854.</p><p><b>Charles Tulin</b>, appointed Vice-consul, 28 Jan 1851.</p><p><br /></p><h3 style="text-align: left;"><b><span style="font-size: medium;">Philippeville (present day Skikda)</span></b></h3><p><b>John Baptist Ellul</b>, appointed Vice-consul, 8 May 1852.</p><div><br /></div>Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0Algeria28.033886 1.659626-0.27634783617884651 -33.496624 56.344119836178848 36.815876tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-82698103780878156982023-10-22T02:37:00.005-07:002024-02-27T02:03:25.450-08:00How Algerian Jews Became French<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZH7JhiAvBThs_VwIteW_yXRzZGremjMkd9ZKaHMqtAvY5lKs62kvjJDT82eesHcbGXZm4mfqTFz2sLRICNL7KhajJyEJF2TALewot5K5qYfTBETW6XcgTU8OE8FbXwTCIAvtY4Upsyg3Yqww8NNHChVX1hXf7-WUmIf301psZBgs6eAz_AGwJ3S1bpor_/s600/Cremiex_Decree_600x400.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="400" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiZH7JhiAvBThs_VwIteW_yXRzZGremjMkd9ZKaHMqtAvY5lKs62kvjJDT82eesHcbGXZm4mfqTFz2sLRICNL7KhajJyEJF2TALewot5K5qYfTBETW6XcgTU8OE8FbXwTCIAvtY4Upsyg3Yqww8NNHChVX1hXf7-WUmIf301psZBgs6eAz_AGwJ3S1bpor_/s16000/Cremiex_Decree_600x400.jpg" /></a></div><br /><p></p><p><br /></p><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Evolution of the assimilation of the Algerian Jews into the French
society<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">1833 - 1839<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Following the French occupation of Algiers in 1830 and</span> a<span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">s early as
1833, Adolphe Crémieux, whose name is associated with the decree that made Algerian
Jews French citizens in 1870, began to lobby for French intervention in
Algerian Jewish affairs. As a member of the central consistory <b><sup>1</sup></b>
in Paris, Crémieux wrote to the Minister of the Interior urging him to
establish Jewish consistories in the cities of Algeria, which would support
France’s “political goals” there. Although initially unsuccessful, Crémieux
tried again in 1836 and 1839 arguing that establishing Jewish consistories in
Algeria would advance colonial interests.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Crémieux had hoped that the Algerian consistories would come under the
authority of the Central Consistory in Paris of which he was a part.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">1842 - 1843<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Two prominent French-Jewish reformers, Joseph Cohen and
Jacques-Isaac Altaras, conducted an investigation into the Algerian Jewish
situation in 1842 by order of the Ministry of War. The results, published in 1843
under the title “Report on the Moral and Political State of the Israelites of
Algeria, and the Means of Ameliorating It”, recommended that the traditional
system of Jewish governance be abolished in order for Algerian Jews to become a
“pillar” of French domination.”<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">1845<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">On November 9, 1845, Algerian Jewish consistories came under the
control of the Ministry of War, with the intention of civilising a demographically
and commercially significant Jewish community and strengthening French control
in Algeria.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In 1862, the French
consistory system formally absorbed the local consistories of Algeria, dealing
a fatal blow to the older style of Jewish corporatism in Algeria.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>At that time, there were 23,061 Jews in Algeria:
9,180 in the department of Algiers, 9,414 in Oran, and 6,470 in Constantine.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">1862 - 1865<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The sénatus-consulte of July 14, 1865, was the first major step
in incorporating Algerian Jews in the French citizenry, allowing Jews to become
citizens on an individual basis.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Citizenship
could be gained in exchange for giving up their personal status, i.e. ruled by
Jewish law, and accept to be governed by the French civil code. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The sénatus-consulte set up the principles of “colonial
compromise” and created in Algeria a divide between “citizens” who were
subjected to the civil code, and “natives” who were French but juridically
inferior. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The 1862 jurisdiction of French courts over Algerian Jews led to
further “disorganisation.” French judicial officials who were largely ignorant
of the principles of Jewish personal status and Talmudic law failed to properly
adjudicate Jewish affairs.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>The
consistory contended that the only solution to this problem was to naturalize
the Jews en masse and remove all confusion regarding their personal status.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">1869<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">As the Jewish Central Consistory, located in Paris, took an
interest in their situation, Algerian Jews also took action. At the end of
December 1869, the Constantine Jewish consistory submitted a petition to the Central
Consistory demanding collective naturalisation for the Jews of Algeria.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>In March 1870, members of the Oran Jewish
consistory participated in a meeting with the Prefect of Oran on the issue of
collective naturalisation. The consistory leadership unanimously agreed that
Jews would welcome naturalisation. They subsequently wrote to the National
Defense Government in September 1870 to offer their support and express their
thanks for the work of the government on behalf of Algerian Jews and their
rights.<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><b><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">1870, The Crémieux Decree<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">I</span><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">n response to lobbying from the Algerian and
Parisian consistories, French politicians took up the issue of naturalising
Algerian Jews. In March 1870, Émile Ollivier, then Minister of Justice,
presented a law draft to the Conseil d’État (State Council). The law in
question collectively naturalized the Jews of Algeria. Ollivier passed to
Adolphe Crémieux responsibility for revising the law. Crémieux also served as president
of the "Alliance Israélite Universelle" and had a reputation for fighting for the
rights of Jews in the Maghreb and the Levant.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>On July 19, 1870, Crémieux presented to the Legislative Chamber his
revised law for the naturalisation of Algerian Jews.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Under the National Defense Government, which operated from 1870 to
1871 in the midst of the Franco-Prussian War, Crémieux became Minister of
Justice on September 4, 1870. Among his other responsibilities, Crémieux
prepared a Constitution for Algeria. On October 24, 1870, he submitted nine
decrees to the Government council, which ratified them. These decrees
established a civil regime ending the era of military control of Algeria, enforced
trial by jury, and naturalised Algerian Jews en masse, giving them the status
of French citizens.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The Crémieux Decree was significant because it separated Jews
from their previous classification as “natives” in order to integrate them as “citizens”.
<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">For the native Muslims however, this distinction remained in
force until 1947.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">-----------------------------<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-family: "Courier New"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">1. In Judaism, a consistory is a body that governs Jewish
congregations of a country or province, mainly those under French
administration.<o:p></o:p></span></p><br /><p></p>Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0Algeria28.033886 1.659626-0.27634783617884651 -33.496624 56.344119836178848 36.815876tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-47490969231099041352023-05-23T04:13:00.002-07:002023-05-23T08:28:02.682-07:00UK special forces have operated secretly in Algeria<p> </p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJ2FVwxzKX4bljx2TLU63mQmsHPh859RsFwETmRyBsKeoAjLc9PjZU545P4uVSzCIcH5mMNQFSv6ZR8V4_JP-W9mKOXGzx-70gC-4o1u3NncWNr6Xbc1aflOFrFI-DRTZBdQ9VgN21t268bQzMUn7GfbuKIjiu8QlRqPTolUtnrtu2LzkJTzx6WxsgjQ/s612/uk-special-forces.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="408" data-original-width="612" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiJ2FVwxzKX4bljx2TLU63mQmsHPh859RsFwETmRyBsKeoAjLc9PjZU545P4uVSzCIcH5mMNQFSv6ZR8V4_JP-W9mKOXGzx-70gC-4o1u3NncWNr6Xbc1aflOFrFI-DRTZBdQ9VgN21t268bQzMUn7GfbuKIjiu8QlRqPTolUtnrtu2LzkJTzx6WxsgjQ/s16000/uk-special-forces.jpg" /></a></div><br /><p></p><p><br /></p><i><b><span style="font-size: medium;">According to some <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2023/may/23/uk-special-forces-have-operated-secretly-in-19-countries-since-2011" rel="nofollow" target="_blank">British media outlets</a>, SAS and other British special forces have been involved in covert operations in 19 countries since 2011 including Algeria.</span></b></i><div><i><br /></i></div><div><i><br /></i><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhSruvZhL8haa6lVddP2xPHcWEhr3iNV39kZzhoCAL7MIU_kw4LzqC7es6wB2x4eVMzwVmfPvwZwN9g86B2R4on38C5mWll3Obvj55QBvPAfTl9AZJT-7Vh6i1DunSvaS3XX-0azftpC7Re7h72FgA2-zPvBpYigKb-yerx6kWVsy-mt5jaaNzaxUf7ng/s659/british_special_forces_operations.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="543" data-original-width="659" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhSruvZhL8haa6lVddP2xPHcWEhr3iNV39kZzhoCAL7MIU_kw4LzqC7es6wB2x4eVMzwVmfPvwZwN9g86B2R4on38C5mWll3Obvj55QBvPAfTl9AZJT-7Vh6i1DunSvaS3XX-0azftpC7Re7h72FgA2-zPvBpYigKb-yerx6kWVsy-mt5jaaNzaxUf7ng/s16000/british_special_forces_operations.jpg" /></a></div><br /><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;">The elite military units operate in secret, without ministers publicly confirming their activities. But a research group, Action on Armed Violence, has compiled a list of their activities since 2011 based on media leaks.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;">It paints a picture of members of the SAS, Special Boat Service and Special Reconnaissance Regiment, being repeatedly deployed by the prime minister and defence secretary to conduct high-risk missions, typically where the UK is not at war.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;">The full list of countries also includes Algeria, Estonia, France, Oman, Iraq, Kenya, Libya, Mali, Cyprus, Pakistan, Somalia and Yemen. It was sent to the Ministry of Defence, although the ministry routinely says it does not comment on the activity of special forces.</span></div></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2023/may/23/uk-special-forces-have-operated-secretly-in-19-countries-since-2011" rel="nofollow" target="_blank"><i>The full article from source:</i></a></span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div>Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0Algeria28.033886 1.659626-0.27634783617884651 -33.496624 56.344119836178848 36.815876tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-24203791721084924302020-04-14T07:47:00.003-07:002023-12-18T09:08:02.924-08:00Mohamed Boudiaf<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhkWKFUXLPhyphenhyphenctyNvzx_ajY7CGMYsl1gbKSjGAkHGeCARGW4unmo1vtDWJDuwontjoH_7EOhmhgFu-vZJ2LddLG4zLDiBwnLfMmS2UQyXKv06zY1a0PjTsnUyo_qwUk5KKmwylg6fdQgQWt/s1600/boudiaf-600x375.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Mohamed Boudiaf interrogated following the hijacking of their plane in 1956" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhkWKFUXLPhyphenhyphenctyNvzx_ajY7CGMYsl1gbKSjGAkHGeCARGW4unmo1vtDWJDuwontjoH_7EOhmhgFu-vZJ2LddLG4zLDiBwnLfMmS2UQyXKv06zY1a0PjTsnUyo_qwUk5KKmwylg6fdQgQWt/s1600/boudiaf-600x375.jpg" title="Mohaomed Boudiaf" /></a></div>
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<br /><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: large;">Mohamed Boudiaf, (born June 23, 1919, M’Sila, Alg.—died June 29, 1992, Annaba).</span></div><span style="font-size: medium;"><div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">Algerian political leader, one of the founders of the revolutionary National Liberation Front (FLN) that led the Algerian war of independence (1954–62), and, after a 27-year exile, he returned to become the president of Algeria (1992).</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">Boudiaf fought in the French army in World War II, but by 1950 he was a central figure in the nationalist movement against France, and in 1954 he joined <a href="https://en.algeriagate.info/2020/04/ahmed-ben-bella.html">Ahmed Ben Bella</a> on the FLN leadership council.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">After being captured and imprisoned by the French (1956–62), Boudiaf and <a href="https://en.algeriagate.info/2020/04/ahmed-ben-bella.html">Ben Bella </a>were released to form a provisional government in newly independent Algeria, with Boudiaf as deputy premier. He opposed President <a href="https://en.algeriagate.info/2020/04/ahmed-ben-bella.html">Ben Bella</a>’s autocratic rule, however, and after being interned for several months, he went into exile in Morocco (1964), where he managed a brick factory and denounced the increasingly corrupt FLN.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;"><br /></div><div style="text-align: justify;">In January 1992, with the Islamic party FIS on the verge of winning parliamentary elections, he was invited to return as the head of a military-backed council of state. Although he appeared to have gained public support for his announced reforms, he was shot and killed while giving a speech; one of his bodyguards was suspected of the shooting.</div></span>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-62173552492633452372020-04-12T01:31:00.004-07:002024-02-03T07:45:09.098-08:00Houari Boumediene<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLhyphenhyphenMrySiSc8G791LBYIxbBhIJVCSOVpWh8HbgYzwkUaSGwcMMrB3TwNKjbA8wkhBZput2_ffUf6CTLa6EyiNWYGLJ7opgf5l0NdFJF5SvxcbTZnc-RhzO5gZcoP532RHlga4x65Vywgcw/s1600/houari-boumediene-1975-600x375.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Houari Boumediene" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgLhyphenhyphenMrySiSc8G791LBYIxbBhIJVCSOVpWh8HbgYzwkUaSGwcMMrB3TwNKjbA8wkhBZput2_ffUf6CTLa6EyiNWYGLJ7opgf5l0NdFJF5SvxcbTZnc-RhzO5gZcoP532RHlga4x65Vywgcw/s1600/houari-boumediene-1975-600x375.jpg" title="Houari Boumediene biography" /></a></div>
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Houari Boumediene, original name Mohammed Ben Brahim Boukharrouba, (born Aug. 23, 1927, Clauzel, near Guelma, Algeria - died Dec. 27, 1978, Algiers), army officer who became president of Algeria in June 1965 following the overthrow of <a href="https://en.algeriagate.info/2020/04/ahmed-ben-bella.html">Ahmed Ben Bella</a>.</span></div>
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Bomediene’s service to Algeria began in the 1950s, during his country’s struggle for independence from France, when, after studying at al-Azhar University in Cairo, he joined the revolution and adopted the name Houari Boumediene. The National Liberation Front divided the country into six military districts, and Boumediene commanded the fifth, the one around Oran. In 1960 he became chief of staff of the National Liberation Army, and he centred his efforts on raising an Algerian army on the Moroccan and Tunisian borders, out of reach of the French.</span></div>
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After a peace treaty was signed with France in March 1962, tension among the Algerian leaders increased, and that September, Boumediene occupied Algiers in support of Ahmed Ben Bella. Ben Bella became president later in that year, and Boumediene was named minister of defense and vice-president. </span></div>
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Conflicts developed between the two leaders, and on the 19 June 1965 Boumediene carried out a coup against Ben Bella and installed himself as president. Boumediene lacked widespread popular support, and he governed at first through a 26-member revolutionary council. As a result his leadership was weak and indecisive, but after an attempt by military officers to overthrow his regime failed in December 1967, he asserted his direct and undisputed leadership of Algeria.</span></div>
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In 1971 he imposed state control on the oil industry, at the cost of ending Algeria’s special relationship with France. In 1976 his government issued a National Charter and then a new constitution, both adopted by referendum. Negotiating important industrial contracts with Western countries and at the same time maintaining close but independent relations with the Soviet bloc, Boumediene became a leading figure in the nonaligned movement.</span></div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0Algeria28.033886 1.659626-0.27634783617884651 -33.496624 56.344119836178848 36.815876tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-91981994666952029332020-04-12T01:01:00.000-07:002023-12-18T09:11:22.545-08:00Ahmed Ben Bella<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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Ahmed Ben Bella, (born December 25, 1916, Maghnia [Marnia], Algeria—died April 11, 2012, Algiers), principal leader of the Algerian War of Independence against France, the first prime minister (1962–63) and first elected president (1963–65) of the Algerian republic, who steered his country toward a socialist economy.</span></div>
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Ben Bella was the son of a farmer and small businessman in Maghnia in the département of Oran. There he successfully completed his early studies at the French school and continued his education in the neighbouring city of Tlemcen, where he first became aware of racial discrimination and also mingled with the fringes of the nationalist movement.</span></div>
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He was conscripted into the French army in 1937, served in World War II, and was awarded the Croix de Guerre (1940) and the Médaille Militaire (1944). On his return to Maghnia, Ben Bella resumed his nationalist activities, refusing to be intimidated by the French authorities’confiscation of his farm. He left Maghnia, joined Messali Hadj’s underground movement, and soon became one of the “Young Turks” who, after the rigged election of Gov. Marcel-Edmond Naegelen (1948), considered illusory any hope of achieving independence democratically. With associates in Messali Hadj’s party, Ben Bella founded the Organisation Spéciale (OS), a paramilitary organisation whose aim was to take up arms as quickly as possible.</span></div>
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After robbing the post office at Oran (1950) to obtain funds for the nationalist movement, Ben Bella was sentenced to prison, but he managed to escape after serving only two years of his term. He went underground again and moved to Egypt, where he was promised help by the revolutionary supporters of Gamal Abdel Nasser.</span></div>
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In November 1954 Ben Bella and the Algerian émigré leaders resident in Egypt, who had met secretly in Switzerland with those leaders who were still living in Algeria, came to two major decisions: to create the National Liberation Front (Front de Libération Nationale, FLN) and to order an armed insurrection against the French colonists.</span></div>
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Ben Bella played an important political role in the leadership of the FLN, simultaneously organizing the shipment of foreign arms to Algeria. In 1956 he escaped two attempts on his life, one at Cairo and the other at Tripoli, Libya. In the same year, he was arrested in Algiers by the French military authorities while in the process of negotiating peace terms with the French premier, Guy Mollet.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div>
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His imprisonment (1956–62) kept him dissociated from those errors of military conduct committed by the FLN, and, when he was freed after the Évian agreements with France were signed in 1962, his reputation was intact.</span></div>
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The situation in independent Algeria was chaotic. The leaders of the FLN had formed a conservative provisional government (Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic), while the party’s congress at Tripoli had elected a socialist-oriented government at the end of the war. It was this latter “Bureau Politique” that Ben Bella ran.</span></div>
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The intervention on his behalf by Col. <a href="/2020/04/houari-boumediene.html">Houari Boumediene</a>, chief of the Army of National Liberation (Armée de Libération Nationale, ALN), assured both the success of the Bureau Politique and of Ben Bella, who was elected unopposed and with an immense majority to the presidency of the Algerian republic in 1963.</span></div>
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Ben Bella reestablished order in a country disorganised both by the massive departure of French colonists and by the clashes of armed groups. He created a state out of nothing and set aside one-quarter of the budget for national education. Above all else, he inaugurated, under the title autogestion, a series of major agrarian reforms, including the nationalisation—but not the direct state control—of the former colonists’ huge farms.</span></div>
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Ben Bella allied himself with the anti-Zionist Arab states and developed cultural and economic relations with France. He also extricated the country from an important border dispute with Morocco.</span></div><div style="text-align: justify;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div>
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Ben Bella’s method of government pleased the Algerian people, but the effects of his policies were not always as beneficial as his generous intentions. Through lack of either time, political lucidity, or planning, Ben Bella governed from day to day in a series of improvised acts, some of which—like his appeal to Algerian women to donate their jewelry to the state—were more spectacular than useful. Ben Bella was unable to restore the FLN, nor was he able to win for it that popular support that would have helped to keep Boumediene in check.</span></div>
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On June 19, 1965, Ben Bella was deposed in a coup led by Boumediene, who installed himself as president; Ben Bella was detained and had little contact with the outside world for 14 years. Following the death of Boumediene in 1978, restrictions on Ben Bella were eased in July 1979, though he remained under house arrest. On October 30, 1980, he was freed. He spent 10 years in exile, returning to Algeria in 1990.</span></div>
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Ben Bella re-entered the political arena soon after his return. He led the Movement for Democracy in Algeria (Mouvement pour la Démocratie en Algérie), a moderate Islamist opposition party he had founded in 1984 while in exile, in the first round of the country’s abortive 1991 parliamentary elections.</span></div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-17356928464169637732020-04-12T00:51:00.001-07:002024-02-03T07:34:46.193-08:00Messali Hadj<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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Ahmed Messali Hadj, (born May 16, 1898, Tlemcen, Algeria - died June 3, 1974, Gouvieux, France), revolutionary Algerian nationalist leader.</span></div>
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Messali emerged in 1926 as the head of an Algerian workers’ association in Paris and spent most of the rest of his life forming pro-independence organisations, militating both in France and Algeria, suffering imprisonment, and taking part in underground activities. </span></div>
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Messali’s first party, the Étoile Nord-Africaine (North African Star), was dissolved by the French in 1929 after he called for revolt against their colonial rule. In March 1937 he founded the Parti Populaire Algérien (PPA; Algerian Popular Party), which was suppressed only to reemerge in October 1946 as the Mouvement pour le Triomphe des Libertés Démocratiques (MTLD; Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties). </span></div>
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His influence, however, declined dramatically in the postwar period. In 1954 he formed the Mouvement National Algérien (Algerian National Movement), but this organisation was unable to compete with the Front de Liberation Nationale (National Liberation Front, FLN), a rival party, which came to lead the Algerian struggle for independence. He became politically isolated and spent his final years in France</span>.</span></div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0Algeria28.033886 1.659626-0.27634783617884651 -33.496624 56.344119836178848 36.815876tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-33032755638868468062020-04-12T00:47:00.002-07:002023-12-18T09:12:06.477-08:00Benyoucef Ben Khedda<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj3MdNdLp_g0gPFiDWQSmmOpinoPa9MBbxLXr3sEMmigcFMGD2rZNyxr0jXdNzU-ePu3y1HpYOi0It7li8iFdPEeAjqlXg57BxjgONd_39HKlQRI8N5SSD4yTFMDOLTWMCb49Am10qTIoOw/s1600/ben-khedda-600x375.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Benyoucef Ben Khedda biography" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj3MdNdLp_g0gPFiDWQSmmOpinoPa9MBbxLXr3sEMmigcFMGD2rZNyxr0jXdNzU-ePu3y1HpYOi0It7li8iFdPEeAjqlXg57BxjgONd_39HKlQRI8N5SSD4yTFMDOLTWMCb49Am10qTIoOw/s1600/ben-khedda-600x375.jpg" title="Benyoucef Ben Khedda" /></a></div>
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Benyoucef Ben Khedda, Algerian independence leader (born Feb. 23, 1920, Berrouaghia, Alg.—died Feb. 4, 2003, Algiers, Alg.), negotiated Algeria’s independence from France in 1962, but he was forced from power shortly thereafter.<br />
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In 1943, after he protested against French attempts to recruit Algerians in World War II, Ben Khedda was imprisoned for eight months. After the war he became general secretary of the pro-independence organisation headed by Messali Hadj, but he later broke with the party and started his own organisation.<br />
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After the radical National Liberation Front (FLN) launched a revolt against French rule in 1954 and France responded with mass arrests, Ben Khedda wrote in a partisan newspaper decrying the French policy. Again he was imprisoned, and on his release he joined the FLN. He joined the provisional government that the FLN set up in Tunisia, and in 1961 he replaced Ferhat Abbas as head of the provisional government.<br />
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A settlement was reached whereby a referendum was held in July 1962, followed by the departure of the French and the triumphant arrival in Algiers of the provisional government. Within weeks, however, Houari Boumediene and Ahmed Ben Bella challenged Ben Khedda for the leadership of the government, and he stepped down.</span><br />
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-60889926937908132872020-04-12T00:42:00.000-07:002020-04-14T02:50:41.693-07:00Ferhat Abbas<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgEHmQVPk0adI9T9-cUBI0-P_o3HCQCFQ7P9vegiqdycNby56E3-t5KnP35-ACOt9gBJ9UIs6_nsSbWW4N6io1XPxSz_cxEHBF8Y39oqa0tEibHQVnF7ZEoRztgTIHx8__8q26DX6gja7ap/s1600/ferhat-abbas-600x375.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Ferhat Abbas with Krim Belkacem" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgEHmQVPk0adI9T9-cUBI0-P_o3HCQCFQ7P9vegiqdycNby56E3-t5KnP35-ACOt9gBJ9UIs6_nsSbWW4N6io1XPxSz_cxEHBF8Y39oqa0tEibHQVnF7ZEoRztgTIHx8__8q26DX6gja7ap/s1600/ferhat-abbas-600x375.jpg" title="Ferhat Abbas biography" /></a></div>
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Ferhat Abbas, in full Ferhat Mekki Abbas, (born Aug. 24, 1899, Taher, near Jijel, Alg.—died Dec. 24, 1985, Algiers), politician and leader of the national independence movement who served as the first president of the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic.</div>
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Son of a Muslim official in the Algerian civil service, Abbas received an entirely French education at Philippeville (now Skikda) and Constantine and at the University of Algiers. After two years’ service with the French Army, he became a pharmacist at Sétif and was elected first to the municipal council of Sétif and then to the general council in Constantine. Early in his political career, he advocated collaboration with the French, the assimilation of the “native element in French society,” and the abolition of colonialism to bring about the emancipation of the Algerian Muslims as French citizens. Disillusioned by the French in 1938, he organized the Union Populaire Algérienne, which proposed equal rights for French and Algerians while preserving the Algerian culture and language. Nevertheless, at the outbreak of World War II, Abbas enlisted in the medical corps of the French Army.</div>
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On Feb. 10, 1943, the “Manifesto of the Algerian People,” prepared by Abbas, was proclaimed. It was subsequently presented to the French and the Allied authorities in North Africa. The manifesto, which reflected a fundamental change in its author’s political position, not only condemned French colonial rule but also called for the application of the principle of self-determination and demanded an Algerian constitution granting equality to all inhabitants of Algeria. In May, Abbas, along with a number of his colleagues, wrote an addendum to the manifesto, which envisioned a sovereign Algerian nation. It was presented to the French on June 26. On its rejection by the French governor general, Ferhat Abbas and an Algerian working-class leader, Messali Hadj, formed the Amis du Manifeste et de la Liberté (AML; Friends of the Manifesto and Liberty), which envisioned an Algerian autonomous republic federated to a renewed, anti-colonial France. After the suppression of the AML and a year’s imprisonment, in 1946 he founded the Union Démocratique du Manifeste Algérien (UDMA; Democratic Union of the Algerian Manifesto), which advocated cooperation with France in the formation of the Algerian state. Abbas’ moderate and conciliatory attempts failed to evoke a sympathetic response from the French colonial officials, however, and in 1956 he escaped to Cairo to join the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN), an Algerian organization committed to revolutionary struggle for independence from France.</div>
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On Sept. 18, 1958, the Provisional Government of the Algerian Republic was formed with Ferhat Abbas as president. He resigned in 1961 but was elected president of the Algerian Constituent Assembly in 1962, when Algeria gained independence. Despite his political alliance with the revolutionary and Socialist FLN, he remained an exponent of parliamentary institutions and constitutionalism. To protest the drafting of the Algerian constitution by the FLN outside the Constituent Assembly, he resigned his post as the assembly’s president in August 1963 and was expelled from the FLN. An opponent of the then-president, Ahmed Ben Bella, he was placed under house arrest in 1964 but was released the following year.</div>
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Ferhat Abbas described the Algerian War of Independence in La Nuit coloniale (1962; “The Colonial Night”). He is also the author of Le Jeune Algérien: de la colonie vers la province (1931; “The Young Algerian: From Colony to Province”) and Autopsie d’une guerre (1980; “Autopsy of a War”).</div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-63557368236706586142020-04-11T10:10:00.000-07:002020-04-14T02:50:55.282-07:00Pleistocene Fauna in Algeria<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizYxQjfU4Al8uEimUpFEM59GwLvAUmS9UvtE9LMh2C_FTIFoVFRR4c2Daq6f4xQKB27U1XCh5jXMSGIPIT23mVfE_rczr2zLvVaY6yVS0i6BOGFrtgWsOppFzt_e0W_evDVAr0Vsr0KHOz/s1600/homotherium-600x375.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Homotherium" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizYxQjfU4Al8uEimUpFEM59GwLvAUmS9UvtE9LMh2C_FTIFoVFRR4c2Daq6f4xQKB27U1XCh5jXMSGIPIT23mVfE_rczr2zLvVaY6yVS0i6BOGFrtgWsOppFzt_e0W_evDVAr0Vsr0KHOz/s1600/homotherium-600x375.jpg" title="Pleistocene Fauna in Algeria" /></a></div>
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<b>Land of the Homo Mauritanicus</b></div>
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The site of Tighennif (also called Ternifine ) in Northern Algeria, well known for its Homo mauritanicus remains, and probably dating to the late Calabrian, yielded a large assemblage of terrestrial carnivores. Some are identical or probably identical with extant species: Crocuta crocuta and Hyaena hyaena (Hyaenidae), Felis silvestris(Felidae), Mellivora capensis and Poecilictis cf. libyca (Mustelidae), and Vulpes cf. rueppelli (Canidae). </div>
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<b>Saber-toothed Cat and Other </b><b>Carnivores </b></div>
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In addition, among felids there is an unidentified leopard-like form; a smaller, more common species assigned to Lynx sp. (a genus quite rare in Africa) but which is certainly different from modern forms, an Homotherium that seems to be the last occurrence of the machairodonts in Africa, and a Panthera aff. leo, which is unfortunately too poorly known to be named. Rare bears do not display all derived features of later North African U.bibersoni. Among canids, the Nyctereutes-like jackal Lupulella mohibiis an endemic North African form known until the late middle Pleistocene, and the hunting dog Lycaon magnusis also clearly distinct from the modern species. A single new species is described, Enhydrictis hoffstetteri, a large, otter-like member of the Mustelidae, of a genus that was previously unknown from Africa, and certainly testifies to North-South dispersal across the Mediterranean at some time during the early Pleistocene.</div>
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<b>The Mammals</b></div>
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Besides the carnivores, the updated faunal list of mammals found includes: <i>Homo cf. rhodesiensis, Theropithecusoswaldi, Loxodonta atlantica, Ceratotherium mauritanicum, Equus mauritanicus, Hippopotamus sirensis, Metridiochoerus compactus, Camelus thomasi, </i>Giraffidae indet. cf.<i> Mitilanotherium sp., Tragelaphus algericus, “Bos” bubaloides, Kobussp., Oryx cf. gazella, Hippotragus cf. gigas, Connochaetes taurinusprognu, Parmularius ambiguus, Gazella dracula, Gazella cf. atlantica, Gazella sp., Lepus sp., Ellobius africanus, Paraethomys tighenifae, Arvicanthis arambourgi, Praomys eghrisae, Gerbillus major, Gerbillus cingulatus, Mascaramys medius, and Meriones maximus, </i>Caprini indet.</div>
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<b>Evolution</b></div>
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The site of Tighennif , was discovered in 1872. Pomel (1878) gave the first report on fossil finds; he also briefly described as Hyaena spelaeathe first fossil carnivore from this site, and reported a zorilla (striped polecat) skull, while correctly noting that it was probably not fossil. Many more fossils were discovered during the last part of the 19th century. The great antiquity of the site was definitely established by the discovery by Pallary in 1928 of a canine of the saber-tooth cat Homotherium. Arambourg led new excavations in 1931, but the largest ones were conducted by C. Arambourg and R. Hoffstetter from 1954 to1956. Thousands of fossils were collected, together with numerous Acheulean artefacts and several human remains. </div>
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Although these authors reported about their excavations and described the hominin remains, they left aside the other mammalian remains.</div>
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Two short field campaigns were conducted by a team led by J.-J.Jaeger et J.-J.Hublinin 1982-83; they resulted in an updated faunal list and a refinement of the stratigraphy and sedimentary context. The bulk of the sediments consists of loose eolian sands, often rubefied, which overlie grey and varicoloured clays. All of these are fossiliferous; Arambourg did not record the origin of the fossils, but it can sometimes be deduced from their facies.</div>
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Tighennif is thought to be older than the middle Pleistocene.</div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-30084140024557706402020-04-11T01:56:00.001-07:002020-04-14T02:51:19.133-07:00The Surviving Wild Cheetahs and Leopards of Algeria<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiOCgnFj_skEtZcns2i8ig2EvucCnAKpSmZhsR6hrEOwTb3NmdoZkQKOxZs94eDA-zuLR6-WfRhwS1QARwzr40EZiaa7a3OEmmD6jjnXpiit4Ar5Sjw_2s1vcKwIkKgCBVv3FlZt8E3t9sT/s1600/saharan-cheetah-in-ahaggar-600x375.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Saharan Cheetah in the Ahaggar southern Algeria" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiOCgnFj_skEtZcns2i8ig2EvucCnAKpSmZhsR6hrEOwTb3NmdoZkQKOxZs94eDA-zuLR6-WfRhwS1QARwzr40EZiaa7a3OEmmD6jjnXpiit4Ar5Sjw_2s1vcKwIkKgCBVv3FlZt8E3t9sT/s1600/saharan-cheetah-in-ahaggar-600x375.jpg" title="The Surviving Wild Cheetahs and Leopards of Algeria" /></a></div>
<br /><br /><br /><br />A 2005 expedition to the Ahaggar region of the Algerian Sahara collected over 40 putative carnivore scat samples and proved the existence of cheetahs and leopards in this remote region of Algeria. <br /><br />Among other carnivores, eight cheetahs and a leopard were found. This is the first time leopards have been recorded in this part of Algeria and the first direct physical evidence of wild leopards in Algeria for almost 50 years. The last one goes back to 1960 in northern Algeria (El-Kala) where the last leopard is said to have been killed. <br /><br />Overall, the samples collected allowed to identify 8 cheetahs (Acinonyx jubatus), 1 wildcat (Felis sp), 1 leopard (Panthera pardus), 5 genets (Genetta spp.), 1 banded mongoose (Mungos mungo) and 14 dogs (Canis spp.) <br /><br />The status of cheetahs in North Africa is poorly known, although they predominantly inhabit the more mountainous regions of the Sahara where water and gazelles are more easily found in this intensely arid region. <br /><br />Rare Cheetah sightings have also been reported in the Tassili N’Ajjer plateau to the north-east, and also in the Tefedest area, north of the Ahaggar.<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />
Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-3769705222025608932020-04-10T01:48:00.001-07:002020-04-14T02:51:47.916-07:00Conservative Trends of the Algerian Nationalist Movement<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiC-p5C00yh8bqnCQLTW_1ynWpuPmQh1sIziGJE2IvRebgJbmNYDjwXIeSBbpuCeIwlCHnKMj6htF2TVYZhT0u2iyUdFytJHdFFzKKCwtK6_VT57jGKMV1Gxst14MLB0Q7uXatIVsQZ_1QR/s1600/Ulema-Association-600x375.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Algerian Ulema Association" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEiC-p5C00yh8bqnCQLTW_1ynWpuPmQh1sIziGJE2IvRebgJbmNYDjwXIeSBbpuCeIwlCHnKMj6htF2TVYZhT0u2iyUdFytJHdFFzKKCwtK6_VT57jGKMV1Gxst14MLB0Q7uXatIVsQZ_1QR/s1600/Ulema-Association-600x375.jpg" title="Conservative Trends of the Algerian Nationalist Movement" /></a></div>
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The growing public awareness of events in the Arab world, such as the failed Syrian Revolt against French colonialism in 1925 and the deteriorating situation in “British” Palestine led to a large-scale Arab revolt there in 1936. </div>
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Numerous Algerians travelled to the eastern Arab countries, the Mashriq, for the hajj pilgrimage to Mecca or to be educated in the great centres of Islamic learning. Regional conversations about pan- Islamism or pan-Arabism also reached North Africa via radio and by a transnational newspaper network that linked Algiers, Cairo, Tunis, and even Zanzibar, allowing local organisations with common interests to exchange information and opinions. Thus the notable deterioration in relations between Algeria’s Muslims and its small but centuries-old Jewish community was due not only to the fact that the French had elevated the latter by granting them full citizenship but also to popular outrage at the Zionist project in Palestine. </div>
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<b>The Ulema Association </b></div>
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A movement of reformist Ulema, or religious scholars, was one of the most important vectors for this Arabist current. The two most prominent figures among the Ulema, Sheikh ‘Abd al-Hamid Ben Badis and Bashir Ibrahimi, typified the movement’s origins in that they both came from established patrician families but received traditional Koranic educations and spent long periods of time in centres of Islamic scholarship outside Algeria. The Ulema were reformist in the sense of being greatly influenced by the Islamic modernist thinkers of the late nineteenth century and by the Salafi movement, which advocated a return to “original” or “orthodox” Islam. Their primary mission was therefore educational and cultural: they founded schools for Arabic instruction and criticised the Maghrib’s indigenous “unorthodox” Islamic institutions such as marabout preachers, Sufi brotherhoods, and the frequent worship of local saints. But in the colonial context, such concerns had inherent political ramifications. Many in the existing religious establishment, for example, were technically French civil servants since the colonial authorities sought to monitor and control what transpired in mosques and Koranic schools. </div>
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The Ulema also taught a nationalist history that directly contradicted the French curriculum’s argument that no Algerian nation had ever existed; Ahmad Tewfik al Madani, who later became an important FLN diplomatic operative, published the first nationalist history book in 1932, Kitab al Jaza’ir (The book of Algeria). Accordingly, Ben Badis publicly responded to Ferhat Abbas’s antinationalist article in 1936 by asserting categorically that “this Muslim population is not part of France, cannot be part of France, and does not want to be part of France.” </div>
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It should be noted that the Ulema did found schools with official sanction, such as the Progress Club in downtown Algiers, which served as a venue for discussion and debate among the Muslim elite, Europeans, representatives of the Jewish community, and so on. </div>
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Bashir Ibrahimi also strove to build a Muslim cultural organisation that would straddle both sides of the Mediterranean, suggesting that political separation of Algeria and France was not his paramount concern. </div>
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But on the whole, one progressively minded French education official was justified in his mournful observation that “the reformist Ulema will end up being the only masters of Arabic in Algeria, alas they will teach Arabic as the language of liberation and resistance!” Notably, Tewfik al Madani and Ben Badis each maintained an active correspondence with the prominent Syrian Arab nationalist thinker the emir Shakib Arslan and with the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Sheikh Amin al-Husayni, a Palestinian nationalist and religious leader who fled the British Mandate after the failure of the Arab revolt there in 1936– 1939. </div>
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In the 1930s a teenage Mostefa Lacheraf, later the FLN’s leading intellectuals, attended both a French lycée in the morning and an Ulema school afterward. In his memoirs, he described the latter as a rich site of political imagination and exchange, or “a kind of sociological cell in full cultural bloom and [where] the contrasting currents of nationalism in the Algeria of those days awoke together.”</div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-89895401736787912992020-04-09T11:21:00.001-07:002020-04-14T02:52:10.253-07:00Algeria, Genesis of Political Nationalism<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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<b>NORTH AFRICAN STAR (Etoile Nord Africaine, ENA)</b></div>
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While the political foment in Algeria gathered pace, the movement that was the most direct predecessor of the FLN (French acronyms for National Liberation Front) had been gaining strength across the Mediterranean, in France, since the early 1920s. </div>
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<b>Acquiring the Skills: Communist Tutelage</b></div>
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Founded among the metropole’s working-class Arab immigrant community, the Etoile Nord Africaine (North African Star, ENA) party was a precursor to the FLN in a philosophical and organisational sense for which it owed a great debt to communist tutelage.</div>
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For many, Wilson’s refusal to support anticolonial causes in 1919 left a bitter taste— the influential Egyptian journalist Mohamed Haykal judged it “the ugliest of treacheries ... the most profound repudiation of principles!”— and this disillusionment helped propel some nationalists toward the Soviet Union in their search for guidance and support. </div>
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Indeed Messali Hadj, who quickly became the ENA’s recognised leader after helping to found the party in Paris in 1926, later credited the efforts of pied-noir communists for his initial political awakening, and the PCF (French Communist Party) closely assisted the party’s development. At that time he was a shop boy and his cofounders were factory workers, and like many other such anticolonial groups, the ENA was intimately enmeshed in the French left- wing milieu.</div>
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Messali actually married a PCF militant, and a 1929 Paris police report claimed sixteen of the twenty-eight members of the ENA’s central committee were also members of the communist party. Moreover, communist mentorship undoubtedly influenced the ENA’s doctrine. Not only was the ENA the first Algerian group to advocate consistently for outright independence, but its official party program for 1933 also called for “the complete transfer to the Algerian State of the banks, mines, railroads, ports and public services monopolised by the conquerors; the confiscation of the large estates monopolised by the feudal allies of the conquerors, the colonisers and the financial firms; and the transfer of this seized land to the peasants.” </div>
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Messali and his comrades had internalised Lenin’s argument that imperialism was the product of European capitalism.</div>
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The ENA also participated in anticolonial transnational forums such as the 1927 Anti- imperialism Congress in Belgium, where future national leaders like India’s Jawaharlal Nehru and Léopold Sédar Senghor of Senegal formed the League against Imperialism, a short- lived Comintern-sponsored initiative that nevertheless created many durable relations between far-flung activists. </div>
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Other intercolonial exchanges happened outside the communist umbrella, though usually with some connection to the diverse left wing of French politics. For example, the ENA cooperated with the Ligue de Défense de la Race Nègre (Negro Race Defense League), a black African movement founded by Senghor and the French Sudanese (Mali today) activist Tiemoko Garan Kouyaté, to protest the Italian conquest of Ethiopia in 1935– 1936. The January 1935 issue of the party’s newspaper El Ouma (Nation, or Community) urged that “Algerians, Moroccans, Tunisians, Annamese [i.e., Vietnamese], Malagasy, Senegalese, etc., get together, find common ground ... and work together closely, shoulder to shoulder with the French intellectual and manual proletariat for their economic, political and social independence. Oppressed people from the colonies, unite to protect your interests.”</div>
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By the mid- 1930s, however, there were clear divergences between the communist and anticolonial agendas, and Messali’s movement experienced a particularly angry parting of the ways with former comrades in the Marxist mainstream. The immediate cause was geopolitical: obeying Stalin’s orders, the PCF and its new Algerian offshoot, the PCA, deprecated the anticolonial cause to focus on forging an anti-Fascist coalition in Europe, and to keep Léon Blum’s Popular Front government in power in Paris. </div>
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Thus the ENA condemned the Blum-Viollette reform bill of 1936, which would have further expanded the Muslim franchise in Algeria and “assimilated” thousands of évolués, as a colonialist project that betrayed socialist principles. Worse still, the government ultimately caved to pied noir outrage on the matter. </div>
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In January 1937, Messali penned a recriminatory letter to L’Humanité, the main French communist news-paper, accusing the PCF of turning its back on a decade of friendship, shared adventures, and shared imprisonments.</div>
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<b>Paradigm Shift, Back to Roots</b></div>
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Philosophically, however, Messali and communism were already drifting apart because he prioritised national liberation over proletarian revolution. While the ENA had participated in various inter-Arab and pan-Islamic initiatives, its leader experienced a revelation when he spent six months in 1935– 1936 hiding from the French police in Geneva, where he kept close company with the influential Arab nationalist figure Shakib Arslan. “Certainly, I am Syrian,” Shakib told the Algerian, “but above all I am an Arab, a Muslim, and a combatant.” He encouraged Messali to reconcile with the Islamic reformist movement in his homeland, which the latter had seen as an elitist project of Algeria’s haughty Ulema, because jihad was a powerful means to national liberation. </div>
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Likewise, the Tunisian nationalist (and future president) Habib Bourguiba recommended combining modern political mobilisation with the expression of national cultural identity: “Both elements are indispensable: the first to spread the Arabic language, history, and religion, the other to organise and struggle.”</div>
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Messali saw the wisdom of their counsel. When he returned to Algeria in 1936 to join the surging political ferment there, he sought to combine the political methods and message of social justice that he had developed in France with a new emphasis on cultural “authenticity”—starting with the long flowing beard and robes of a traditional Maghribi Sheikh.</div>
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<br />Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-4022471685047463212020-04-09T05:45:00.003-07:002020-04-14T02:52:35.264-07:00Algeria and the Wilsonian Moment<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCfQRF8wvJpfo0g8e_amMOAz2AeaaxJXsmBTLOsEGD6QQ4Dy77ipGHZ54cRof3KjrgnBEHT_cXSlkFqMFItLdiaV2T0qFsSj6qXJ9dWQqBPsBWyNERj-1HqpgpTKHBEVj64jciMZxDZEsm/s1600/Versailles-1919-big-four-600x375.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="The Big Four at Versailles, 1919" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCfQRF8wvJpfo0g8e_amMOAz2AeaaxJXsmBTLOsEGD6QQ4Dy77ipGHZ54cRof3KjrgnBEHT_cXSlkFqMFItLdiaV2T0qFsSj6qXJ9dWQqBPsBWyNERj-1HqpgpTKHBEVj64jciMZxDZEsm/s1600/Versailles-1919-big-four-600x375.jpg" title="Algeria and the Wilsonian Moment" /></a></div>
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In the closing stages of World War I, the American president, Woodrow Wilson, unveiled a sweeping vision for a new international order based on “liberal internationalist” principles. In his famous “Fourteen Points” speech to the US Congress in January 1918, Wilson called for the creation of an international organisation, a “league of nations,” that would maintain the peace by regulating disputes between countries, great or small. He stressed the principle of “national self-determination,” arguing that every people had the right to choose their own government, citing specifically his desire to see an independent Poland and independent Turkey emerge from the debris of the Russian and Ottoman Empires, respectively. </div>
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Wilson deliberately disseminated his ideas through the international press and by means of increasingly powerful radio technology, in order to raise widespread support for his agenda before he arrived at the momentous peace conference convened at the Palace of Versailles, in January 1919. The leaders of Britain, France, Italy, and the United States would decide the fate of their defeated foes— as well as huge swaths of the globe and its inhabitants. </div>
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Wilson was thinking principally of east-central Europe, not “the Orient”, in his advocacy of self-determination and equality between nations. Unintentionally however, his ideas also energised politics in many parts of the colonial world, where activists in places as far apart and diverse as Syria, Korea, Ireland, China, and India championed the Fourteen Points. Rather awkwardly from a diplomatic perspective, crowds of “colonials” shouted the American president’s name in mass protests against their British and French overlords. </div>
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<b>In Egypt</b></div>
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One of the largest such commotions occurred in Egypt, where massive unrest broke out across the country in early 1919 in response to Britain’s tightening control. The initial spark for the uprising came when the British rejected the demand of an otherwise moderate establishment politician, Saa’d Zaghlul, to send a wafd delegation to Versailles to make the case for Egyptian independence. When repression alone failed to quell the unrest, the colonial authorities did finally try to placate the protesters by allowing the wafd to proceed to the conference in April—but only after ensuring that neither Wilson nor anyone else of consequence would receive them. </div>
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The American president’s rebuff would live in infamy in Cairo. “Here was the man of the Fourteen Points ... denying the Egyptian people its right to self- determination and recognising the British protectorate over Egypt,” wrote the famous journalist Mohammed Haykal. “Is this not the ugliest of treacheries?! Is it not the most profound repudiation of principles?!” </div>
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Zaghlul’s Wafd Party, named after the failed mission to Versailles, would play a central role in Egyptian politics until the 1950s. Wilson made less of an ideological impression than a geopolitical one; he did not suggest new possibilities of what independence might be. Rather, he opened up new practical avenues of achieving it by positioning the Anglo-Egyptian power relationship in a wider international context. </div>
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<b>From Egypt to Algeria</b></div>
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Engaged Muslim Algerians, who held Cairo to be the capital of the Arab world, certainly followed Egyptian developments (an early Young Algerian newspaper, El Haq, or “truth,” was subtitled “The Young Egyptian”). The war’s end brought increased instability in Algeria, too. By 1918, a full third of working- age Muslim Algerian men were employed in France as either soldiers or labourers, and they returned home with a new perspective on the world as well as expectations of reward for their service. </div>
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German and Turkish propaganda had also tried to stir up anti-colonial sentiment in French North Africa during the war, and the Algerian Arab public enthusiastically cheered on Kemal Atatürk’s forces in their war with Greece, which broke out in May 1919, because they viewed it as a national struggle against Franco-British imperialism. In this light, the modest political reforms that Georges Clemenceau’s government implemented in February 1919— increasing to 500,000 the number of Muslims allowed to vote in a dual-college system that gave Arabs very limited say over their own affairs without challenging the pieds-noirs’ supremacy— were an inadequate response to rising discontent and a surge in directionless, uncoordinated violence. </div>
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<b>Early Militant Nationalism : The Emir Khaled</b></div>
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Yet even in these circumstances it was very surprising that the emir Khaled, the assimilationist, demanded in January 1919 that an Algerian delegation be allowed to attend the Versailles conference in a capacity similar to the representatives of Britain’s dominions.</div>
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<b>Khaled's Letter to Wilson</b></div>
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Like Zaghlul, he set out for Paris with four companions in May, though he too managed only to deliver a letter to Woodrow Wilson’s staff. Addressed to “the honourable President of American Liberty,” it asked that an investigatory delegation be dispatched to Algeria in order to “decide our future fate, under the aegis of the Society of Nations.” Naturally, the letter made no impact on the Versailles proceedings, and there is no evidence that the American president actually read it. Nevertheless, the endeavour incensed the pied-noir community, who branded Khaled a dangerous subversive in thrall to foreign designs and succeeded in having him exiled to Damascus in 1924. </div>
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The substance of Khaled’s appeal to Wilson, undeniably at least proto-nationalist in its implications, was so discordant with his otherwise impeccable record as a Francophile assimilationist that scholars believed for many years that the pied-noir lobby had simply made the story up. </div>
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Yet eminent French historian Charles-Robert Ageron was eventually stunned to find a copy of the letter to Wilson in the American archives, prompting him to completely re-evaluate Khaled as the budding nationalist. </div>
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Revealingly, the FLN’s “official” history also came to treat him as such, reflecting the legitimacy conferred posthumously by this fleeting diplomatic initiative in spite of the rest of Khaled’s recorded positions being so anathema to the nationalist narrative. </div>
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Even if he did sincerely renounce the letter’s implications, his having written it demonstrates how new methods of political action could radicalise the goals those methods were meant to serve.</div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-38208394172171981262020-04-08T10:39:00.001-07:002020-04-14T02:52:55.217-07:00French Algeria: What Was it Like for the Natives?<div style="text-align: justify;">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhaISy38QkrI6oFh2ZmEyKYse4xbxgKg0DChXAqtgd0ZHfjVME2WWMQ1Y-lpeP58Pvv7l5ZEhp_K_Ygg8to8tjcXH9vOdYzWHbNSG2VAN7QWY5jIlj2xWea2IQ-0OMNQvi2964WqfiEKfyq/s1600/French-Algeria-600x375.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="French citizens and Algerian subjects" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhaISy38QkrI6oFh2ZmEyKYse4xbxgKg0DChXAqtgd0ZHfjVME2WWMQ1Y-lpeP58Pvv7l5ZEhp_K_Ygg8to8tjcXH9vOdYzWHbNSG2VAN7QWY5jIlj2xWea2IQ-0OMNQvi2964WqfiEKfyq/s1600/French-Algeria-600x375.jpg" title="French Algeria: What Was it Like for the Natives?" /></a></div>
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Although the conquest began in 1830, in terms of its basic political and economic characteristics, l’<i>Algérie française</i> (French Algeria) proper emerged in 1870, when the growing number of European settlers, or colons insisted that civilian governance take over from the military. Immigration accelerated as the colons set about taking over most of Algeria’s prime farmland and building a society whose raison d’être was the exploitation of the native Muslim population and their descendants. </div>
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<b>Integral Part of France</b></div>
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In 1881, the government in Paris declared Algeria an integral part of sovereign French territory, in accordance with the constitution of the Third Republic. From that point, the colons in Algeria were “normal” French citizens who just happened to live in three départements (France’s basic administrative regions) that were located across the Mediterranean but legally identical to, say, Normandy or Provence. </div>
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<b>Native Code</b></div>
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Like their compatriots on the mainland, the Algerian French elected their local deputies to the National Assembly in Paris, where they formed an uncompromising, united bloc on settler-colonial issues. At the same time, however, the 1881 <i>Code de l’indigénat</i> (Native Code) relegated Algeria’s Muslims to an entirely separate and repressive legal framework that sharply curtailed personal freedoms, neglected due process for criminal matters, and placed domestic matters under the auspices of Islamic courts. </div>
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<b>Subjects Not Citizens</b></div>
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Subjects not citizens, most Muslim Algerians lived in the communes mixtes (mixed communities), areas whose administrators and judges (cadis) were appointed by the colonial authorities. Therefore, the defining division of colonial Algerian society was that between Muslim and non-Muslim — a truth made explicit in the 1870 Crémieux Decrees that extended French citizenship to Algeria’s 25,000 Jews (a community that boasted many centuries of history in that land) and stipulated that those very few Muslim évolués (literally, “evolved”) who were deemed worthy of French citizenship had to renounce Islam first. In social terms, some of the old elites did integrate into the colonial system, while a thin strata of middle- and working-class Arabs gradually emerged in the larger towns and cities in the twentieth century, but the vast majority of Algeria’s Muslims belonged to either the near-destitute peasantry or the pool of cheap labour that served colon farms and colon homes.</div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-69069996790342896762020-04-08T01:48:00.000-07:002020-04-14T02:53:13.779-07:00Algeria and the Third World Project<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
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With independence achieved in July 1962, the new République Algérienne Démocratique et Populaire (People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria, RADP) continued to express its identity and pursue its ambitions through those relationships and international initiatives that its diplomats referred to as “this Third World project.” </div>
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Forged in the crucible of the FLN’s pioneering international campaign, that unusually capable diplomatic team allowed Algeria to assume disproportionate responsibility, in relation to its size, for the maintenance of globe-spanning coalitions like Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and the Group of 77 (G77) that maximised the developing countries’ influence in world affairs. </div>
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In the same spirit, the Algerians played a central role in the founding of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) in April 1963, which they considered the prototype for a postcolonial order free of systemic Western interference. At the same time, portraying their country as a “pilot state,”.</div>
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Ben Bella (first President of independent Algeria) and his colleagues presented Algeria’s socialist experiment as an example for others to follow. They accepted an influx of foreign anarchists, Trotskyists, and other assorted fellow militants and freedom fighters who were eager to build a new world amid the wreckage of colonialism. In the words of a French diplomat posted to the embassy in Algiers in the early 1960s, the atmosphere there was “simultaneously convivial, revolutionary, disorganised, and generous.” </div>
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For those disillusioned with both the Western and Eastern examples, Algeria seemed set to fulfil the Third World’s promise of a third way, a better way.</div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-51677813378319315732020-04-07T06:33:00.002-07:002023-12-25T09:55:49.916-08:00Postcolonial Algeria, 1962-78<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjwOU9iBlS7yJhHycLmwyj5bpBdHVehyvF0g1LQzsP7uDqURrXZy0ZpYcLGOOF8xW5ioXOpbWhNwOMWr-67AlMfb5ibiIFtcgmShQ6MgpfLvEov4gOfgA0oRYovysQR8Yw-FNSYgaSRrn2j/s1600/boumediene-600x375.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="President Boumediene's speech, 1967" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjwOU9iBlS7yJhHycLmwyj5bpBdHVehyvF0g1LQzsP7uDqURrXZy0ZpYcLGOOF8xW5ioXOpbWhNwOMWr-67AlMfb5ibiIFtcgmShQ6MgpfLvEov4gOfgA0oRYovysQR8Yw-FNSYgaSRrn2j/s1600/boumediene-600x375.jpg" title="Post Colonial Algeria, 1962-78" /></a></div>
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The creation of the People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria was formally proclaimed on September 25, 1962. The following day, after being named premier, Ahmed Ben Bella formed a cabinet that linked the leadership of the three power bases—the army, the party, and the government. However, Ben Bella's ambitions and authoritarian tendencies ultimately led the triumvirate to unravel and provoked increasing discontent among Algerians. </span></div>
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The war of national liberation and its aftermath had severely disrupted Algeria's society and economy. In addition to the physical destruction, the exodus of the colons deprived the country of most of its managers, civil servants, engineers, teachers, physicians, and skilled workers. The homeless and displaced numbered in the hundreds of thousands, many suffering from illness, and some 70 percent of the work force was unemployed. The months immediately following independence had witnessed the pell-mell rush of Algerians, their government, and its officials to claim the property and jobs left behind by the Europeans. In the 1963 March Decrees, Ben Bella declared that all agricultural, industrial, and commercial properties previously owned and operated by Europeans were vacant, thereby legalizing confiscation by the state. </span></div>
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A new constitution drawn up under close FLN supervision was approved by nationwide referendum in September 1963, and Ben Bella was confirmed as the party's choice to lead the country for a five-year term. Under the new constitution, Ben Bella as president combined the functions of chief of state and head of government with those of supreme commander of the armed forces. He formed his government with no need for legislative approval and was solely responsible for the definition and direction of its policies. Essentially, he had no effective institutional check on his powers. </span></div>
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Opposition leader Hosine Ait-Ahmed quit the National Assembly in 1963 to protest the increasingly dictatorial tendencies of the regime and formed a clandestine resistance movement, the Front of Socialist Forces (Front des Forces Socialistes—FFS) dedicated to overthrowing the Ben Bella regime by force. Late summer 1963 saw sporadic incidents attributed to the FFS. More serious fighting broke out a year later. The army moved quickly and in force to crush the rebellion. As minister of defense, Houari Boumediene had no qualms about sending the army to put down regional uprisings because he felt they posed a threat to the state. However, when Ben Bella attempted to co-opt allies from among some of those regionalists, tensions increased between Boumediene and Ben Bella. On June 19, 1965, Boumediene deposed Ben Bella in a military coup d'état that was both swift and bloodless.</span></div>
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Boumediene immediately dissolved the National Assembly and suspended the 1963 constitution. Political power resided in the Council of the Revolution, a predominantly military body intended to foster cooperation among various factions in the army and the party. Boumediene’s position as head of government and head of state was not secure initially, but following attempted coups and a failed assassination attempt in 1967–68, Boumediene succeeded in consolidating power. Eleven years after he took power and after much public debate, a long-promised new constitution was promulgated in November 1976, and Boumediene was elected president with a 95 percent majority.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: medium;"><br /></span></div><span style="font-size: medium;">
Boumediene’s death on December 27, 1978, set off a struggle within the FLN to choose a successor.</span><br />
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<i>source : Library of Congress, 2008</i><br />
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0Algeria28.033886 1.659626-0.27634783617884651 -33.496624 56.344119836178848 36.815876tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-4879059319611299632020-04-07T06:16:00.002-07:002023-11-28T00:59:39.819-08:00Islam and Dynasties in Algeria<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0LGqHsQdAGudOeLhl5rIGnEmwCjAYdXDwUTnaosYELev9F-oSGeupiYVvmDjk_4SIKy-M78yk71FL6RKSUQQi0KWVKpF1Buy3Xyje0yRt8D9ZAbQQcRmQl8VapghQO0PnErds07Y5WWBm/s1600/spread-islam-600x375.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Spread of Islam Map" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj0LGqHsQdAGudOeLhl5rIGnEmwCjAYdXDwUTnaosYELev9F-oSGeupiYVvmDjk_4SIKy-M78yk71FL6RKSUQQi0KWVKpF1Buy3Xyje0yRt8D9ZAbQQcRmQl8VapghQO0PnErds07Y5WWBm/s1600/spread-islam-600x375.jpg" title="Islam in Algeria" /></a></div>
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The first Arab military expeditions into the Maghrib, between 642 and 669, resulted in the spread of Islam. By 711 the Umayyads (a Muslim dynasty based in Damascus from 661 to 750), helped by Berber converts to Islam, had conquered all of North Africa. </div>
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In 750 the Abbasids succeeded the Umayyads as Muslim rulers and moved the caliphate to Baghdad. </div>
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Under the Abbasids, the Rustumid imamate (761–909) actually ruled most of the central Maghrib from Tahirt, southwest of Algiers. The imams gained a reputation for honesty, piety, and justice, and the court of Tahirt was noted for its support of scholarship. The Rustumid imams failed, however, to organize a reliable standing army, which opened the way for Tahirt’s demise under the assault of the Fatimid dynasty. </div>
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With their interest focused primarily on Egypt and Muslim lands beyond, the Fatimids left the rule of most of Algeria to the Zirids (972–1148), a Berber dynasty that centered significant local power in Algeria for the first time. This period was marked by constant conflict, political instability, and economic decline. Following a large incursion of Arab bedouins from Egypt beginning in the first half of the eleventh century, the use of Arabic spread to the countryside, and sedentary Berbers were gradually Arabized.</div>
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The Almoravid (“those who have made a religious retreat”) movement developed early in the eleventh century among the Sanhaja Berbers of the western Sahara. The movement’s initial impetus was religious, an attempt by a tribal leader to impose moral discipline and strict adherence to Islamic principles on followers. But the Almoravid movement shifted to engaging in military conquest after 1054. By 1106 the Almoravids had conquered Morocco, the Maghrib as far east as Algiers, and Spain up to the Ebro River. </div>
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Like the Almoravids, the Almohads (“unitarians”) found their inspiration in Islamic reform. The Almohads took control of Morocco by 1146, captured Algiers around 1151, and by 1160 had completed the conquest of the central Maghrib. The zenith of Almohad power occurred between 1163 and 1199. For the first time, the Maghrib was united under a local regime, but the continuing wars in Spain overtaxed the resources of the Almohads, and in the Maghrib their position was compromised by factional strife and a renewal of tribal warfare. In the central Maghrib, the Zayanids founded a dynasty at Tlemcen in Algeria. </div>
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For more than 300 years, until the region came under Ottoman suzerainty in the sixteenth century, the Zayanids kept a tenuous hold in the central Maghrib. Many coastal cities asserted their autonomy as municipal republics governed by merchant oligarchies, tribal chieftains from the surrounding countryside, or the privateers who operated out of their ports. Nonetheless, Tlemcen, the “pearl of the Maghrib,” prospered as a commercial center.</div>
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<i>source : Library of Congress, May 2008</i></div>
Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-12421498390082469952020-04-06T03:54:00.003-07:002020-04-14T02:53:53.483-07:00Algeria: Political Timeline, 1954-2020<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-ykkGT_OomCeZxfmxK5NE6l3_uAU84kh9dan_ho7EK1yhUlAWEw0ZnxlCBRoZyXgYx9GmBvsi6HaNQOyGWHOjwJ-GylqwfYOh-C_rXtTV0KqckzOUDJB-OqODshyphenhyphencYvE9_KqGTzFOicmG/s1600/boumediene-bouteflika-600x375.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Algeria: Political Timeline, 1954-2020" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEg-ykkGT_OomCeZxfmxK5NE6l3_uAU84kh9dan_ho7EK1yhUlAWEw0ZnxlCBRoZyXgYx9GmBvsi6HaNQOyGWHOjwJ-GylqwfYOh-C_rXtTV0KqckzOUDJB-OqODshyphenhyphencYvE9_KqGTzFOicmG/s1600/boumediene-bouteflika-600x375.jpg" title="Boumediene, Bouteflika" /></a></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1954 - Creation
of the FLN (National Liberation Front); the MTLD dissolves, superseded by the MNA.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>National liberation revolution begins.</span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
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<o:p></o:p><br />
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1955 - Major
war escalation; huge increase in French army presence in Algeria.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1956 - Leftist
"peace coalition" wins French elections; "special powers"
voted by French National Assembly for major increase in repression; FLN Soummam
Congress, creation of CNRA; French hijack plane with FLN leaders; exchanges of
bombings in Algiers.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1957 - French
paratroopers launch repression in Algiers; murder of Abane Ramdane.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1958 - Algiers-originated
military coup ends French Fourth Republic, replaced by de Gaulle and fifth
Republic; creation of GPRA (Provisional Algerian Government) led by Ferhat
Abbas.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1959 - De
Gaulle announces principle of Algerian self-determination.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1960 - First
publicised peace talks; failure of new coup attempt in Algiers; Manifesto of
the 121 in France; UN recognition of Algerian right to independence.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1961 - Creation
of OAS; failed "generals coup" in Algiers.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1962 - Evian
peace accord; national independence; competition for power won with force by
Ben Bella-Boumediene coalition; flight of Europeans and emergence of <i>biens
vacants</i>, first wave of workers' self-management.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1963 - Government
expansion and "regularisation" of <i>autogestion</i> sector; FFS
created; Kabyle uprising.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1964 - First
FLN congress and adoption of "Algiers Charter".<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1965 - Boumediene-led
coup deposes Ben Bella, new regime formed; new opposition group (ORP) quickly
repressed.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1968 - First
waves of industrial sector nationalisations.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1971 - Nationalisation
of petrochemicals sector, new major source of state revenue; agrarian reform
launched.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1976 - National
Charter (new constitution) proclaimed, calls for generalised use of Arabic
language.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1978 - Death
of Boumediene. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1979 -
Chadli becomes president.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1980 - "Berber
Spring" demonstrations and rebellion.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1981 - First
underground radical Islamist guerrilla group (the MIA).<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1982 - Arabisation
of basic schooling and some university sectors completed.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1985 - Rapid
drop of world oil prices; creation of Algerian human rights league, LADDH;
Chadli embraces economic reforms : liberalisation/privatisation.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1987 - Beginning
of IMF-imposed economic restructuring.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1988 - Huge
riots and demonstrations in Algiers and massive repression "5th October". </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1989 - New constitution creates multi-party system and freer
press; Islamist FIS launched.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1990 - Huge separate demonstrations by FIS and FFS
in Algiers; FIS sweeps municipal elections.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1991 - New
rapid drop in oil export prices; further IMF-and World Bank-imposed economic
restructuring; clashes between police and FIS forces; FIS decisively wins first round of National Assembly elections.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1992 - Military
coup prevents second election round, Chadli forced out, state of emergency
proclaimed; State High Committee formed, headed by Boudiaf; first major armed
clashes between Islamists and state forces, formation of
radical Islamist GIA; Boudiaf assassinated.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1993 - Escalation
of violent clashes; many assassinations of intellectuals, journalists, professionals.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1994 - Zeroual
appointed president; first FIS negotiations with regime and other political
parties; supposed-GIA attacks in France; restructuring of Algerian external debt
with strict IMF requirements.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1995 - Pact
of Rome Platform; Zeroual elected president.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1997 - FIS/AIS ceasefire.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1998 -
Zeroual retires.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">1999 - Bouteflika
"elected" president; FIS/AIS accepts disarmament; Civil Concord
passed in referendum.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2000 - Amnesty
for thousands of AIS militants; GIA and GSPC continue guerrilla war.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2001 - Strife
in Kabylia, emergence of Arouch movement; huge march to Algiers.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2004 - Bouteflika
elected for a second term.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2005 - Charter
for Peace and National Reconciliation approved by referendum, allows further amnesties
and muzzles critiques.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2006 - GSPC allegedly becomes AQMI, local affiliate of AI-Qaida.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2007 - Trial
of Khalifa financial and business empire symbolises massive corruption of
regime.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2009 - Bouteflika
elected to third term.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2011 - New
wave of riots and demonstrations throughout Algeria;
continuous demands by political reformers for regime change.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2011<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> - </span>Feb 3, Algeria's President Abdelaziz
Bouteflika said the state of emergency, in force for the past 19 years, will be
lifted in the very near future.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2012<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> - </span>May 10, Algeria held parliamentary
elections. 44 political parties competed for 462 seats. The ruling party
dominated elections, taking nearly half of the seats in the 462 person
assembly, dramatically increasing its share. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>President Bouteflika's National Liberation Front
tightened its grip on power by securing 220 seats. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2014<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> - </span>Apr 17, Algeria held presidential
elections. Preliminary results indicated that President Bouteflika with 15
years in power won a 4th term.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2017<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> - </span>May 4, Algerians voted in parliamentary
elections. President Abdelaziz Bouteflika's party and its coalition ally won a majority in parliamentary elections in a vote marred by low turnout.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2017<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> - </span>May 24, Algerian President Abdelaziz
Bouteflika appointed Abdelmadjid Tebboune as prime minister, replacing
Abdelmalek Sellal in the wake of parliamentary elections. Tebboune (71) was the
housing minister of the outgoing government.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2017<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> - </span>Aug 16, In Algeria Ahmed Ouyahia began
a fourth term as Prime Minister and held that position until March 12, 2019. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2019<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> - </span>Feb 22, In Algeria several hundred
demonstrators rallied in Algiers in defiance of a ban on demonstrations, and in
other cities as well, against a bid by ailing President Abdelaziz Bouteflika to
win a fifth term. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2019<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> - </span>Apr 1, Algeria's Pres. Abdelaziz
Bouteflika said he will step down before his fourth term ends on April 28.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><br /></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2019<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> - </span>Apr 3, Algeria's Constitutional Council
said it had accepted Bouteflika's resignation and informed parliament that his
position was officially vacant. The speaker of the upper house of
parliament,<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Abdelkader Bensalah (77),
acts as interim leader for up to 90 days during which a presidential election
must be organised.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2019<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Dec 28, Algeria's newly elected Pres.
Abdelmadjid Tebboune reached beyond the political class to name educator and
diplomat Abdelaziz Djerad as prime minister.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">2020<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Feb 26, Algeria reported its first
cases of the coronavirus.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-28066332678847206712020-04-05T06:01:00.003-07:002020-04-14T02:55:55.689-07:00Algeria Under Carthaginian Rule<div style="text-align: justify;">
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<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLXBbSqfALf85NNXb01MmhP4M9vWUcmz6oywdCRfB6DvqMzmvD8DJ-GJBV0n8YjqQIyPgWcO16hUz7Fx5GfB8TTrbBJXbBJmWdvAtOupK2xcRw0Y9vWnKtgbaighhOVa8p0dGUjcpjuC1U/s1600/Carthage.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Algeria Under Carthaginian Rule" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhLXBbSqfALf85NNXb01MmhP4M9vWUcmz6oywdCRfB6DvqMzmvD8DJ-GJBV0n8YjqQIyPgWcO16hUz7Fx5GfB8TTrbBJXbBJmWdvAtOupK2xcRw0Y9vWnKtgbaighhOVa8p0dGUjcpjuC1U/s1600/Carthage.jpg" title="Algeria Under Carthaginian Rule" /></a></div>
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Phoenician traders arrived on the North African coast around 900 B.C. and established Carthage around 800 B.C in present-day Tunisia. </div>
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By the sixth century B.C., a Phoenician presence existed at Tipaza (east of Cherchell in Algeria). From their principal centre of power at Carthage, the Carthaginians expanded and established small settlements called emporia in Greek, along the North African coast; these settlements eventually served as market towns as well as anchorages. Hippo Regius, modern Annaba, Rusicade, modern Skikda and Icosim, modern Algiers are among the towns of Carthaginian origin on the coast of present-day Algeria. </div>
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As Carthaginian power grew, its impact on the indigenous population increased dramatically. Berber civilisation was already at a stage in which agriculture, manufacturing, trade, and political organisation supported several states. </div>
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Trade links between Carthage and the Berbers in the interior grew, but territorial expansion also resulted in the enslavement or military recruitment of some Berbers and in the extraction of tribute from others. </div>
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By the early fourth century B.C., Berbers formed the single largest element of the Carthaginian army. In the Revolt of the Mercenaries, Berber soldiers rebelled from 241 to 238 B.C. after being unpaid following the defeat of Carthage in the First Punic War. They succeeded in obtaining control of much of Carthage's North African territory, and they minted coins bearing the name Libyan, used in Greek to describe natives of North Africa. The Carthaginian state declined because of successive defeats by the Romans in the Punic Wars; in 146 B.C. the city of Carthage was destroyed. </div>
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As Carthaginian power waned, the influence of Berber leaders in the hinterland grew. By the second century B.C., several large but loosely administered Berber kingdoms had emerged. Two of them were established in Numidia, behind the coastal areas controlled by Carthage. West of Numidia lay Mauretania, which extended across the Melouiya River in Morocco to the Atlantic Ocean. </div>
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The high point of Berber civilization, unequaled until the coming of the Almohads and Almoravids more than a millennium later, was reached during the reign of Masinissa in the second century B.C. After Masinissa's death in 148 B.C., the Berber kingdoms were divided and reunited several times until they were annexed to the Roman Empire.</div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-42151789362112352222020-04-05T02:30:00.002-07:002023-12-24T10:35:01.485-08:00Prehistoric Algeria<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkfbSeNT52PdKiDtN39GG-J2ACxU43MhAWcSzuidAVHfd6tfsZ2NK_SGruukuj-MkPpg5HjG1LxRuf64jBSnNP9aE_VC1ZXgDP_Ks-rizZH2DI8HoQF2l876cozsVfwZ7C4aOWV3LYcB6e/s1600/tassili-warrior-1-1200x800.jpg" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img border="0" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="1200" height="425" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkfbSeNT52PdKiDtN39GG-J2ACxU43MhAWcSzuidAVHfd6tfsZ2NK_SGruukuj-MkPpg5HjG1LxRuf64jBSnNP9aE_VC1ZXgDP_Ks-rizZH2DI8HoQF2l876cozsVfwZ7C4aOWV3LYcB6e/s640/tassili-warrior-1-1200x800.jpg" width="640" /></a></div>
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The cave paintings found at Tassili-n-Ajjer, north of Tamanrasset, and at other locations depict vibrant and vivid scenes of everyday life in the central Maghrib between about 8000 B.C. and 4000 B.C. They were executed by a hunting people in the Capsian period of the Neolithic age who lived in a savanna region teeming with giant buffalo, elephant, rhinoceros, and hippopotamus, animals that no longer exist in the now-desert area. The pictures provide the most complete record of a prehistoric African culture. </span></div>
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Earlier inhabitants of the central Maghrib have left behind equally significant remains. Early remnants of hominid occupation in North Africa, for example, were found in Ain el Hanech, near El-Eulma, Setif (ca. 200,000 B.C.). Later, Neanderthal tool makers produced hand axes in the Levalloisian and Mousterian styles (ca. 43,000 B.C.) similar to those in the Levant. According to some sources, North Africa was the site of the highest state of development of Middle Paleolithic flake-tool techniques. Tools of this era, starting about 30,000 B.C., are called Aterian (after the site Bir el Ater, south of Annaba) and are marked by a high standard of workmanship, great variety, and specialization. </span></div>
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The earliest blade industries in North Africa are called Ibero-Maurusian or Oranian (after a site near Oran). The industry appears to have spread throughout the coastal regions of the Maghrib between 15,000 and 10,000 B.C. Between about 9000 and 5000 B.C., the Capsian culture began influencing the Ibero-Maurusian , and after about 3000 B.C. the remains of just one human type can be found throughout the region. Neolithic civilisation (marked by animal domestication and subsistence agriculture) developed in the Saharan and Mediterranean Maghrib between 6000 and 2000 B.C. This type of economy, so richly depicted in the Tassili-n-Ajjer cave paintings, predominated in the Maghrib until the classical period.</span></div><br /><br />
Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0Algeria28.033886 1.659626-0.27634783617884651 -33.496624 56.344119836178848 36.815876tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-53263968053705913732020-04-04T04:04:00.004-07:002020-04-14T02:55:27.938-07:00CIA's Assessment of De Gaulle's Proposals for Algeria<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEix6EXtW7vnRLB6YR8VyotJyCo2iPtm1a3fsOjwNDkY4oeZvnHdFKI4z-_l151OsvgSvnnb8Z9fXALgpX0lLmcAiDfP5ZMRDDRoMBf2oWVsohQ7ZaV3kanODq4qlFTg8HM4nnT4qbsC8NUD/s1600/de-gaulle-in-algiers--june-1958-600x375.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="CIA's ASSESSMENT OF DE GAULLE’S PROPOSALS FOR ALGERIA" border="0" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="600" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEix6EXtW7vnRLB6YR8VyotJyCo2iPtm1a3fsOjwNDkY4oeZvnHdFKI4z-_l151OsvgSvnnb8Z9fXALgpX0lLmcAiDfP5ZMRDDRoMBf2oWVsohQ7ZaV3kanODq4qlFTg8HM4nnT4qbsC8NUD/s1600/de-gaulle-in-algiers--june-1958-600x375.jpg" title="De Gaulle In Algeria, June 1958" /></a></div>
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<i>A confidential document from 1959 declassified in 2002 by the CIA offers a completely different assessment of De Gaulle’s intentions vis-à-vis the self-determination proposals for Algeria. Quite different from the version historians commonly relate, yet more realistic. </i></div>
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<b>17th September 1959</b> </div>
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<b>DE GAULLE’S PROPOSALS FOR ALGERIA </b></div>
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I) De Gaulle’s proposals for Algerian solution, times to take international heat off France in UN, have double-barrelled objective: </div>
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A. To isolate rebels in international opinion and to discredit them among Algerian Moslems as intransigent obstacles to reasonable solution.</div>
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B. At the same time, to under(mine) French rightists and army elements who are opposed to any so-called liberal solution.<br />
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II) De Gaulle took calculated risk vis-à-vis Army in offering self-determination: </div>
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A. Hedged it with promise of continued military pacification until no more than 200 killed annually. </div>
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B. Nevertheless, De Gaulle appears confident he has sufficient military backing. </div>
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1. Challe has pledged army support against extremist outbreaks in Algeria: </div>
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2. Soustelle has assured De Gaulle of his support. </div>
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III) Stress De Gaulle laid on middleway of federal –type autonomy indicates his preference for this as most realistic of three solutions he offered. </div>
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A. Option of independence was accompanied by warnings of ensuing chaos and clear statement Saharan riches will remain under French control no matter what.<br />
B. Option of integration is sop to rightists and some army elements who believe Algerians can be persuaded to vote for it.</div>
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IV) Immediate reaction from middle-of-road French political leaders, from Mollet to Reynaud, has been quite favorable (US spelling). </div>
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A. De Gaulle took precaution of appealing directly to Mollet for prompt expression of public support from Socialists.<br />
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V) Rebels, to whom De Gaulle again offered nothing except “peace of the brave”, are expected to denounce the plan as unilateral action taking no account of them as leading Algerian representatives. </div>
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A. Offer of independence-by-referendum option to Algerian masses puts rebels on the spot. They had previously expressed concern French might make attractive offer prior to any UN resolution on Algeria. </div>
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VI) Although De Gaulle proposals may undercut support for rebels over long term, no sign of rebel capitulation in near future. </div>
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A. War will continue: French dead now running about 30 per week, (1500 per year) rebels perhaps ten times as many.</div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-62472890758627957392019-07-01T04:34:00.001-07:002020-04-14T02:55:08.352-07:00Colonisaton of Algeria and Confiscation of Land<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjpctJdI1MSdmpb0soE9Id1mm4HV-HMF3Y50klhP0jRxIfu-PuY3czmnrHgs_0HuGyBFAq-9oNnL4Pg7M1GMEpG7MT3CmtQjA7y6SritzCQyawEVxL0zVbclCRc_XwONhRlMfAnekWNQ4QO/s1600/french-confiscation-of-land.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Colonisaton of Algeria and Confiscation of Land" border="0" data-original-height="394" data-original-width="700" height="360" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjpctJdI1MSdmpb0soE9Id1mm4HV-HMF3Y50klhP0jRxIfu-PuY3czmnrHgs_0HuGyBFAq-9oNnL4Pg7M1GMEpG7MT3CmtQjA7y6SritzCQyawEVxL0zVbclCRc_XwONhRlMfAnekWNQ4QO/s640/french-confiscation-of-land.jpg" title="Colonisaton of Algeria and Confiscation of Land" width="640" /></a></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Colonisaton of Algeria and Confiscation of Land<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Lucrative Business and Easy Profit<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The 1833 Law</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">In the very first years of French occupation, the
authorities had begun a wide-scale confiscation of the lands. On September 8,
1830, all the state-owned land (beyliks) and those of the Algerian Turks were
declared the property of France. On March 1, 1833, a law was issued on the
expropriation of lands, the ownership of which had not been legalised by title
deeds. In 1839, the lands of the rebellious Metija tribes and the Algerian
Sahel were confiscated. All these lands either passed into the hands of the
French colonists or became the object of desperate speculation. Land
speculators, adventurers and nobles who had lost their estates in France came
to Algeria in pursuit of easy profit and set up new feudal patrimonies on the
fertile plains surrounding Algiers. They turned the landless Arab peasants into
their serfs, khammases. Many of the colonisers surrounded themselves with
Oriental luxury, erected palaces and acquired harems. The French generals and
dignitaries participated in all these shady deals, grew rich and appropriated
huge estates.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The “agrarian reform” carried out by the colonisers
increased land plunder. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The 1843 Decree<o:p></o:p></span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">In 1843-44, the French authorities issued decrees
which ensured the rapid growth of French colonisation. On March 24, 1843, a
decree was issued on the confiscation of the public habus (waqf), the religious
lands. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">The 1844 Decree</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;"><o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">On October 1, 1844, the Europeans were permitted to
buy private waqfs (on the basis of the new enzel). The decree of October 1,
1844, which was confirmed on July 21, 1846, declared as state property all land
known as “no-man’s land” (all uncultivated land, for which no title deeds had
been issued up to June 1, 1830). On the basis of these “laws” all the Algerian
tribes were requested to present documentary proof of their land rights. Most
of the tribes, which owned land on the basis of the usual rights, had no such
documents, which was exactly what the colonisers counted on. <o:p></o:p></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-language: EN-GB;">Mass expropriations began. In the Algiers district
alone the French authorities expropriated 168,000 hectares, out of which the
Arabs received 30,000 hectares and the French colonialists – 138,000 hectares.
The same thing happened in all parts of Algeria.<o:p></o:p></span></div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-91302029913132643992019-06-30T10:01:00.004-07:002020-04-14T02:54:43.163-07:00Resisting the French Invasion, Emir Abd El-Kader, Part II<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj9TRtPCrRw2JzHfjDbWzrG5eUL8eE97yrZVd7rg2pRWdWarqbgCBdruskPgndM8KuhBkNH5tZ0JHXhEjNdJjVlVIPEjzUBPgmYNDQ2TS_6QWxIT5KgNoRsiyKnocnobPlF18fp8I5W6Z_G/s1600/emir-abd-el-kader.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Resisting the French Invasion, Emir Abd El-Kader, Part II" border="0" data-original-height="427" data-original-width="760" height="358" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj9TRtPCrRw2JzHfjDbWzrG5eUL8eE97yrZVd7rg2pRWdWarqbgCBdruskPgndM8KuhBkNH5tZ0JHXhEjNdJjVlVIPEjzUBPgmYNDQ2TS_6QWxIT5KgNoRsiyKnocnobPlF18fp8I5W6Z_G/s640/emir-abd-el-kader.jpg" title="Resisting the French Invasion, Emir Abd El-Kader, Part II" width="640" /></a></div>
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<b>Perfidious French Compelled to Sign the Tafna Treaty </b></div>
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In 1835, the French generals, having treacherously violated their agreements with Abd el-Kader, invaded his territory. The peaceful respite had ended. After two years of fierce, yet fruitless fighting, France consented to a new agreement with Abd el-Kader. It was signed on May 30, 1837, in Tafna. This time the French were compelled to acknowledge Abd el-Kader’s power not only in western, but also in central Algeria. They agreed to this so as to be able to concentrate all their efforts on the campaign against Constantine, where the second breeding ground of anti-French opposition was located. </div>
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<b>Fall of Constantine </b></div>
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In the winter of 1836, the French had attempted to seize Constantine, but had been rebuffed by the Arabs and had retreated with the loss of 1,000 men. Now, a year later, having concluded peace with Abd el-Kader and having received an assurance of his neutrality, the French attacked Constantine with powerful forces. In October 1837, they finally succeeded in capturing the city, which was situated on high cliffs and had seemed inaccessible. The population offered fierce resistance. A battle was waged in the narrow streets for each corner and each roof. In the end Ahmed Bey was forced to retreat deep into the country, to the remote mountains, where resistance continued for some time. </div>
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The seizure of Constantine and the eastern part of Algeria was followed by savage colonial plundering. The French took over the land and property of the vanquished, and this resulted in a fresh outbreak of disturbances. The tribes of eastern Algeria began a guerrilla war against the enemy. They acknowledged Abd el-Kader’s leadership and requested him to send his deputies to Constantine. On this basis, the French accused Abd el-Kader of violating the Peace Treaty of 1839 and unleashed a new war against him. In his turn, Abd el-Kader declared a holy war on France, which lasted several years. </div>
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By 1839, France had concentrated 70,000 men in Algeria and was still sending in reinforcements. The French soldiers died by the thousands of disease, of the unbearable heat, marsh gas and hunger, and fell in battle. But the French army continued to grow. In 1837, it had 42,000 men whereas by 1844, the number had reached 90,000. It was twice the size of Abd el-Kader’s army and was equipped with weapons that the Arabs could not even dream of. Abd el-Kader could oppose this force only with the moral superiority of his men and their skilful guerrilla tactics. “When your army attacks, we shall retreat,” he wrote to a French marshal. “Then it will be forced to retreat and we shall return. We shall fight when we feel it is necessary. You know we are not cowards. But we are not so foolish as to expose ourselves to defeat by your army. We shall exhaust your army, torment and destroy it piece by piece and the climate will finish it off.” By employing these tactics, Abd el-Kader was able to keep up a steady resistance for a number of years. </div>
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One of France’s top generals, Marshal Bugeaud, was made commander-in-chief of the occupation army. He bribed the Algerian tribal leaders, some of whom became the vassals of France and were appointed deputies in the most backward regions of Algeria. </div>
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In the battles against Abd el-Kader, Bugeaud adopted new mobile column tactics. He singled out nine to twelve columns, which moved simultaneously along the western routes, each combing its own sector, and seizing fortresses and towns where Abd el-Kader’s bases and magazines were located. This ‘was more like bilateral guerrilla warfare than regular military actions. The battles and raiding dragged on for several years. </div>
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The French resorted to the most barbarian methods to terrorise the Algerian population and exterminated entire tribes which had sided with Abd el-Kader. According to the testimony of participants in the campaign, the French cut off the prisoners’ ears and took away the Arabs’ wives, children and flocks. They exchanged women prisoners for horses and auctioned them off like pack animals. “It cost them nothing to behead a prisoner in public, so as to command the Arabs’ respect for their authority,” wrote a contemporary. </div>
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The barbarous war, inter-tribal strife and the acts of treason by many tribal chieftains culminated in Abd el-Kader’s expulsion from Algeria and the subjugation of his territory by the French after a four-year struggle. </div>
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Abd el-Kader did not give up. In 1844, together with a group of faithful followers he took refuge in Morocco, which had been tolerating his presence on its soil all these years, and began preparing for new battles. </div>
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<b>The Battle of Isly, 1844. </b></div>
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Bugeaud made a demand in the form of an ultimatum that the Moroccan Sultan, Mulai Abd er-Rahman, should give up Abd el-Kader. When he was refused, he invaded Morocco. While the French squadron under Prince de Joinville was bombarding Tangier (August 6) and Mogador (August 15), Bugeaud crushed the Moroccan Sultan’s semi-feudal army in a large-scale battle at the River Isly (August 14, 1844). Only the threat of British intervention restrained the French and saved Mulai Abd er-Rahman. The French had to withdraw from Morocco. </div>
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Abdelkader, Declared an Outlaw in Morocco! </div>
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But according to the Tangier Peace Treaty of September 10, 1844, Mulai Abd er-Rahman declared Abd el-Kader an outlaw, undertook to refuse all aid to the Algerian uprising, to withdraw his troops from the borders and to punish the officers “guilty” of having helped the insurgents. The treaty fixed the exact borders between Algeria and Morocco, but only on a comparatively narrow coastal strip. No demarcation line was drawn further south, so there was always the danger of new conflicts. </div>
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<b>The Uprising of 1845-46</b></div>
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Immediately after the conclusion of the Tangier Peace Treaty, Abd el-Kader returned to Algeria and waged guerrilla warfare as he moved about in the desert. In the meanwhile, a new popular uprising headed by Bu Maaza flared up in the northern part of Algeria in the region between Oran and Algiers. The uprising was called forth by the French plundering of the land. </div>
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The wholesale plundering of the land exhausted the local people’s patience and in 1845 the whole of western Algeria rose in rebellion against the French. The leader of the uprising, Bu Maza, appealed to Abd el-Kader and offered him the leadership of the popular struggle. The French hastened to raise the strength of the occupation army to 108,000 men. Eighteen punitive detachments again slaughtered the population and destroyed villages. The French generals, Pelissier and Saint Arnaud broke the record of barbarism in this campaign. Pelissier drove thousands of Arabs into the mountain caves, where he suffocated them with smoke. Saint Arnaud bricked up in caves 1,500 Arabs, including women and children. Nor did Cavaignac, who was serving in the occupation army at the time, lag behind them. </div>
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<b>Treachery of the Moroccan Sultan and the End of Road for Abd el-Kader </b></div>
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The brutal repressions and the decree of July 31, 1845, on the confiscation of land as a punishment for “associating with the enemy” achieved their aim. The uprising began to wane. French detachments pursued Abd el-Kader, trying to surround him, but he withdrew to the oases of the Sahara Desert and from there continued to wage guerrilla warfare. It was only at the end of 1847, following the treachery of the Moroccan Sultan, that the French captured Abd el-Kader and sent him away to France. In 1848, Ahmed Bey was also taken prisoner. After spending five years in France, Abd el-Kader was permitted to return to the East. Having lived for a few years in Bursa, in 1855 he settled in Damascus, where he spent the rest of his life. Abd el-Kader died in 1883, a the age of 75.</div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3909096416497779854.post-77866964756026037912019-06-30T09:57:00.000-07:002020-04-14T02:54:53.365-07:00Resisting the French Invasion, Emir Abd El-Kader, Part I<div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;">
<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjW91-JojCAy-eJlKnai3xlYOZY0qC3baaBZJC2GUiZbfWyaVL79KGiQIUFjjzmHKpbcL7BraK7RvG3c2h3ZLXfvXHwusWux6Mp6IUQCCw3j5zW-xFjQa1_z7hPdSKkUe7SPJANrfrzGBVy/s1600/emir-abd-el-kader.jpg" imageanchor="1" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="Resisting the French Invasion, Emir Abd El-Kader, Part I" border="0" data-original-height="427" data-original-width="760" height="356" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjW91-JojCAy-eJlKnai3xlYOZY0qC3baaBZJC2GUiZbfWyaVL79KGiQIUFjjzmHKpbcL7BraK7RvG3c2h3ZLXfvXHwusWux6Mp6IUQCCw3j5zW-xFjQa1_z7hPdSKkUe7SPJANrfrzGBVy/s640/emir-abd-el-kader.jpg" title="Resisting the French Invasion, Emir Abd El-Kader" width="640" /></a></div>
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<b>RESISTING THE FRENCH INVASION, ABD EL-KADER </b></div>
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Having seized Algiers, de Bourmont arrogantly announced in his report: “The whole kingdom will surrender to us within fifteen days without firing a single shot.” But he was mistaken. The French subdued Algeria only after forty years of bloody fighting against her people. </div>
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No sooner had the news of the capital’s fall spread throughout the country than the tribes rose in arms against the enemy. The Algerians used scorched earth tactics and the French troops, who were dependent on their own supply lines, often found themselves in difficulties. The extortion and plundering by the French army further roused the population who united to repel the aggressor. In the western part of Algeria, the movement was headed by the national hero, Abd el-Kader, and in the eastern, by Ahmed, the district Bey of Constantine. </div>
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Abd el-Kader was born in 1808 in the marabout family of Muhyi ed-Din. His father headed the religious brotherhood of Kaderiya in West Algeria and for many years he fought against the Turkish conquerors and then against the French occupation forces. Abd el-Kader had received his religious education before the French invasion and had made a pilgrimage to Mecca, visited Baghdad and then travelled to Egypt. </div>
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Abd el-Kader was no ordinary marabout. He was above all a courageous soldier, a skilled horseman, a good marksman and a talented general. He was an eloquent orator, an outstanding writer and poet and a brilliant organiser. </div>
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In 1832, the tribes who were fighting against the occupation forces elected Abd el-Kader as their leader. He was confronted with the difficult task of combating feudal and tribal disunity, subduing the endless strife and uniting the whole population in the one common desire to defend the independence of their country. Because of his closeness to the people and because he symbolised their hopes, Abd el-Kader went a long way towards achieving this end. </div>
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<b>Desmichels Treaty, Recognising Abdelkader’s State </b></div>
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Once he took over the command of the West Algerian tribes, Abd el-Kader inflicted merciless blows on the French troops, using the classical tactics of guerrilla warfare. Having suffered a number of defeats and some bad luck, the French finally agreed to negotiations and in February 1834, he concluded with them the Desmichel Treaty. Abd el-Kader willingly agreed to the French proposal since he felt an urgent need for a peaceful respite to reorganise his troops and gain strength for a renewal of the war against the invaders. Moreover, the treaty acknowledged all western Algeria, with the exception of three coastal towns, as the territory of the new sovereign Arab state under Abd el-Kader, who adopted the title of “sovereign of the believers” (emir el-mu’meneen). </div>
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Having become the ruler of a large state, Abd el-Kader continued to lead a humble way of life. He ate simple food, drank only water, wore no ornaments and, true to the nomadic customs, preferred to live in a tent. His only property consisted of a small flock of sheep and a plot of land, which was ploughed by a pair of oxen. His only wealth was a wonderful library. He did not use a single penny for his personal needs from the revenues, which were paid into his treasury by the Algerian tribes. </div>
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Apart from the irregular tribal levies, numbering approximately 70,000 men, Abd el-Kader formed a regular army consisting of 10,000 men. The Agha el-askari was entrusted with the command of the regular army, which was divided into thousands (battalions), hundreds (companies) and platoons with an Agha, sail or Reis es-Saf respectively at their head. The artillery of Abd el-Kader numbered 36 pieces (true, only twelve of them were fit for use). Abd el-Kader built barracks and fortresses, a foundry, two powder-mills and a weaving manufactory. </div>
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Abd el-Kader used the old, traditional methods as well as new, extreme methods to gain money for the upkeep of his army and for military construction. He collected ushr, zakat for each head of cattle and extraordinary taxes from his dependencies. Apart from this, he used incomes from the state lands and monopolies. He also replenished his treasury with the spoils seized during raids on hostile tribes who had refused to join his movement or had defected to the French. </div>
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<b>Disunity, the French Generals’ Best Ally </b></div>
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Abd el-Kader found support among the Moslem clergy and Bedouins, who comprised the main bulk of his troops. Abd el-Kader, carried out administrative reforms, dividing Algeria into nine regions with caliphs-vicegerents, subordinate to the central power at their head. He abolished the selling of posts, struggled against the embezzlement of public property and tried to defend the nomads and peasants from the tyranny of tribal chiefs. </div>
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The leaders of eastern Algeria refused to obey him. Under their Bey, Ahmed, they fought the French independently. Nor would the Kabylia tribal lords and sheikhs of the Sahara oases obey him. He usually assigned marabouts as his deputies and only in rare cases did he give the post to the tribal leaders. But even those who collaborated with Abd el-Kader were ready to give him up to the French. Their ambitions and self-interest came before the interests of their country. The acts of treason and the mutinies of the tribal lords weakened the state founded by Abd el-Kader more than the doubtful successes of the French generals.</div>
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Algeria Gatehttp://www.blogger.com/profile/15726219984380872775noreply@blogger.com0